JOHN HOWARD never wanted to talk about his booming
immigration program. It seems Kevin Rudd's lot doesn't
want to either. Why not? Because it just doesn't fit.
For Mr Howard, it didn't fit politically. Didn't fit
with the xenophobic rhetoric he used to win votes back
from Pauline Hanson and to wedge Labor.
For Mr Rudd, it doesn't fit with any of his professed
economic concerns - about inflation, about mortgage
stress and about climate change.
You'd hardly know it, but we're in the biggest
immigration surge in our history. According to Rory
Robertson of Macquarie Bank, net immigration has
exceeded 100,000 a year in 12 of the past 20 years,
having exceeded 100,000 only 12 times in the previous
two centuries.
The Howard government planned for an immigration
program of up to 153,000 this financial year, to which
you can add a planned intake of 13,000 for humanitarian
reasons, and maybe 20,000 New Zealanders.
That doesn't count an increase in the number of
skilled workers on class 457 "temporary long-stay"
visas, nor the growing number of young people on working
holiday visas.
In his first 100 days, Labor's Immigration Minister,
Chris Evans, announced an increase of 6000 in the
skilled immigration program for this year, a
liberalising of the working holiday visa scheme and a
committee to propose ways of making the 457 visa scheme
more effective.
The third point in Mr Rudd's five-point plan to fight
inflation is to "tackle chronic skills shortages", and
part of this is to do so through the immigration
program. Clearly, the Government believes high levels of
skilled migration will help fill vacancies and thus
reduce upward pressure on wages.
That's true as far as it goes. But it overlooks an
inconvenient truth: immigration adds more to the demand
for labour than to its supply. That's because migrant
families add to demand, but only the individuals who
work add to supply.
Migrant families need food, clothing, shelter and all
the other necessities. They also add to the need for
social and economic infrastructure: roads, schools,
health care and all the rest.
Another factor is that their addition to demand comes
earlier than their addition to labour supply.
Unemployment among recent immigrants is significantly
higher than for the labour force generally.
Admittedly, the continuing emphasis on skilled
immigration - and on the ability to speak English - plus
the fact that many immigrants are sponsored by
particular employers, should shorten the delay before
they start working.
Even so, we still have about a third of the basic
immigration program accounted for by people in the
family reunion category. You'd expect the proportion of
workers in this group to be much lower. So though
skilled migration helps reduce upward pressure on wages
at a time of widespread labour shortages, immigration's
overall effect is to exacerbate our problem that demand
is growing faster than supply.
The Rudd Government
professes to great concern over worsening housing
affordability. First we had a boom in house prices that
greatly reduced affordability, and now we have steadily
rising mortgage interest rates.
The wonder of it is that, despite the deterioration
in affordability, house prices are continuing to rise
strongly almost everywhere except Sydney's western
suburbs.
Why is this happening? Probably because immigrants
are adding to the demand for housing, particularly in
the capital cities, where they tend to end up.
They need somewhere to live and, whether they buy or
rent, they're helping to tighten demand relative to
supply. It's likely that the greater emphasis on skilled
immigrants means more of them are capable of outbidding
younger locals.
In other words, winding back the immigration program
would be an easy way to reduce the upward pressure on
house prices.
Finally, there's the effect on climate change.
Emissions of greenhouse gases are caused by economic
activity, but the bigger your population, the more
activity. So the faster your population is growing the
faster your emissions grow.
Our immigration program is so big it now accounts for
more than half the rate of growth in our population.
It's obvious that one of the quickest and easiest
ways to reduce the growth in our emissions - and make
our efforts to cut emissions more effective overall -
would be to reduce immigration.
Of course, you could argue that, were we to leave
more of our immigrants where they were, they'd still be
contributing to the emissions of their home country.
True. But because people migrate to better their
economic circumstances, it's a safe bet they'd be
emitting more in prosperous Australia than they were
before.
My point is not that all immigration should cease
forthwith but, leaving aside the foreigner-fearing
prejudices of the great unwashed, the case against
immigration is stronger than the rest of us realise -
and stronger than it suits any Government to draw
attention to.
Ross Gittins is the Herald's
Economics Editor.