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Pork-barrelling - Blatant
instances of targeting marginal seats
Types
of
Pork
The ‘pork’ distributed to targeted electors by politicians can take many
forms.
The pork may be infrastructure
projects such as the construction of a hospital or school,
the
relocation
of
a
statutory
agency
into
an
electorate,
or
the
promise
of
jobs
in
the
lucrative construction of submarines.
However, a
particularly prevalent form of pork barrelling is achieved through the
administration of discretionary grant programs.
Such programs tend to be
regional in nature and provide Ministers with discretion in determining
which applicants receive grant funding.
Grants are also a significant
aspect of government spending, with billions of dollars of public funds
distributed via Commonwealth grants each year.
For these reasons,
discretionary grants are an ideal vehicle for delivering pork.
In fact, discretionary grants
are almost synonymous with allegations of pork barrelling and overt partisan
influence in the allocation of public resources.
Therefore, when
examining the regulation of pork barrelling in Australia, this paper will
focus on the use of such grants, and the regulation of the administration of
grants programs.
Sports
Rorts 1.0:
ALP and
Ros
Kelly
In 1993, the Labor government was embroiled in the original sports rorts
affair for its administration of a $60 million Community Recreational and Sporting Facilities Grants Program.34
The Minister responsible, Ros Kelly, famously used a
whiteboard to record the grant
assessment process. The timing of
the program prompted initial suspicion, with allocations coinciding with
federal elections.
Central in the ventilation of the scandal was a critical
report by the Auditor-General that found the administration of the program
was weak.36
The report noted discrepancies in the distribution of grants,
but was unable to make a finding in relation to partisan bias due to the
inadequate decision-making records.
As is typical in pork barrelling scandals, Ros Kelly defended
the disproportionate distribution of funding to Labor held seats as
reflecting socio-economic needs rather than partisanship.
However, a subsequent statistical analysis found strong
support that the allocation was based primarily on partisan rather than
socio-economic considerations.39
Following almost a month of controversy, the scandal ultimately concluded with Ros Kelly’s resignation as Minister.
However, Kelly maintained her denial of any wrongdoing and
insisted there was no proof of political bias or corruption in the
administration of the program.
Sports
Rorts 2.0:
LNP and
Bridget
McKenzie
In 2019, allegations emerged that the Coalition Government had been involved
in a remarkably similar
sports rorts
affair involving
the administration
of over
$100 million in grants.
Suspicions were again raised by the proximity of the grants
administration to a federal election, coupled with a Liberal candidate
handing over a giant novelty cheque while campaigning in the key seat of
Mayo.42
Again, an Auditor-General report was pivotal in providing
legitimacy to the pork barrelling allegations.
The Auditor-General’s
report
concluded
that
the
award
of
grant
funding
was
not
informed by an appropriate assessment process and the successful
applicants were not those who had been assessed as most meritorious.43
Instead, the Auditor-General found evidence of distribution
bias, with applications from marginal and targeted electorates receiving
more funding than if a merit-based approach had been followed.44
Rather than a whiteboard, the Minister’s office used a
colour-coded spreadsheet that recorded the analysis of electorate status,
including marginal and targeted electorates.45
The second sports rorts scandal was particularly controversial
as 43% of approved grant applications were in fact ineligible to receive
funding.46
Further, the lawfulness of the Minister’s involvement in the
allocation of the grants was
questioned,
as
there
was
no
apparent
lawful
authority
for
her
interference
in
Sport Australia’s
administration of the program.47
Finally, it was later revealed that the Minister sent a final
list of projects for approval to Sports Australia after the election had
been called and the Government had shifted to a caretaker role, which
traditionally requires avoiding any unnecessary major expenditure decisions.48
The second sports rorts affair gained significant traction
with political commentators. Anthony Whealy QC, a former judge and current
chairperson of the Centre for Public Integrity, commented that the conduct
was a ‘clear case of corrupt conduct by any reasonable standard’.49
Again, after a protracted controversy, the Minister
responsible resigned. However,
like Ros Kelly, Bridget McKenzie maintained there
was no impropriety in the distribution of the grants.
McKenzie in fact alleged she engaged in ‘reverse pork barrelling’ to
ensure the fairer distribution of grants.50
Her eventual resignation (from Cabinet) was on the narrower conflict of
interest ground of failing to declare her membership to a club that received
funding.51
Notably, there has been
no admission
by the
Government of
pork barrelling,
let alone
improper distribution
of public funds for partisan purposes.
Following a
Nationals leadership spill in
July 2021, in which Barnaby
Joyce replaced Michael
McCormack as
party leader and Deputy Prime Minister, McKenzie was returned to Cabinet,
and appointed as Minister for Emergency Management and National Recovery and
Resilience and Minister for Regionalisation, Regional Communications and
Regional Education. She remained in these ministerial positions until the
Coalition lost the 2022
federal election in
May 2022.
Below are extracts
from
Car park scheme signed off without any promise of
extra spaces
– SMH -
Shane Wright -
July 4, 2021
Finance Minister
Simon Birmingham has defended the federal government’s
under-fire $660 million commuter car
park scheme as a necessary boost to productivity despite projects being
approved without any promise they would actually deliver extra park spaces.
As Labor ramped up
attacks on the scheme, labelling it corruption of the political process,
Senator Birmingham said the program was justified because the Coalition had
won the 2019 election.
The government is facing a Senate inquiry into the program after a scathing
report by the Auditor-General found it was opaque and failed to award funds
based on merit.
Finance Minister Simon Birmingham has defended the government’s car park
scheme on productivity grounds even as the Auditor-General found some
projects would not add extra car spaces.
Prime Minister Scott Morrison and then-urban infrastructure minister Alan
Tudge used the program to promise 47 car parks and upgrades near train
stations. The car parks overwhelming favoured Coalition-held seats,
especially across suburban Melbourne.
Below
are extracts from
Taxpayers lose out when governments rush transport projects
SMH Marion
Terrill and Lachlan
Fox - July 6, 2021
"The pork barrelling and cost
blowouts on suburban
train station carparks are
only the latest example. A recent Auditor-General
report on
the selection and funding of carpark projects through the $4.8 billion federal
Urban Congestion Fund concluded that the approach used “was not designed to be
open or transparent”, and the steps taken to identify and fund projects were
“not appropriate”.
Instead of making proper
assessments, the Morrison government rushed. In a search for votes, it paid $42
million up front for four commuter carpark projects, “prior to any of the four
projects being fully scoped”.
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