Prisons and Health

Edited by:  Stefan Enggist, Lars Moller, Gauden Galea and Caroline Udesen  © World Health Organization 2014

All rights reserved. The Regional Office for Europe of the World Health Organization welcomes requests for permission to

reproduce or translate its publications, in part or in full.

The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any

opinion whatsoever on the part of the World Health Organization concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city

or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Dotted lines on maps represent

approximate border lines for which there may not yet be full agreement.

The mention of specific companies or of certain manufacturers’ products does not imply that they are endorsed or

recommended by the World Health Organization in preference to others of a similar nature that are not mentioned. Errors

and omissions excepted, the names of proprietary products are distinguished by initial capital letters.

All reasonable precautions have been taken by the World Health Organization to verify the information contained in this

publication. However, the published material is being distributed without warranty of any kind, either express or implied.

The responsibility for the interpretation and use of the material lies with the reader. In no event shall the World Health

Organization be liable for damages arising from its use. The views expressed by authors, editors, or expert groups do not

necessarily represent the decisions or the stated policy of the World Health Organization.

ABSTRACT

This book outlines important suggestions by international experts to improve the health of those in prison and to reduce

both the health risks and risks to society of imprisonment. In particular, it aims to facilitate better prison health practices

in the fields of: (i) human rights and medical ethics, (ii) communicable diseases, (iii) noncommunicable diseases, (iv) oral

health, (v) risk factors, (vi) vulnerable groups and (vii) prison health management. It is aimed at professional staff at all

levels of responsibility for the health and well-being of detainees and at people with political responsibility. The term

“prison” covers all institutions where a state holds people deprived of their liberty.

Keywords

HEALTHCARE SYSTEMS

HUMAN RIGHTS

MEDICAL ETHICS

PREVENTION

PRISONERS

PRISONS

VIOLENCE

Address requests about publications of the WHO Regional Office for Europe to:

Publications

WHO Regional Office for Europe

UN City, Marmorvej 51

DK-2100 Copenhagen O, Denmark

Alternatively, complete an online request form for documentation, health information, or for permission to

quote or translate, on the Regional Office web site (http://www.euro.who.int/pubrequest).

ISBN: 978 92 890 5059 3

Cover: Photo by Maxim Dondyuk, www.maximdondyuk.com

Contents

Acknowledgements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii

About the authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix

Abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .x

Foreword. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi

Human rights and medical ethics

1. The essentials about prisons and health. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1

Background. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1

The duty of care . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1

Why prison health is important . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2

Difficulties with isolation of services. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Essential components of a prison health service. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3

Good governance for prison health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4

2. Standards in prison health: the prisoner as a patient . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6

Basic principles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6

Relationship between the prisoner and health care staff. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6

Organization of prison health care. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .7

European Prison Rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .9

3. Prison-specific ethical and clinical problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11

Health care staff in prisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11

Disciplinary measures. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13

Physical restraint . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13

Intimate body searches. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13

Prisoners who stop eating or go on hunger strikes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13

Torture and inhumane or degrading treatment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16

4. Violence, sexual abuse and torture in prisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .19

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .19

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .19

Definitions of violence in prison. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .19

Violence in prisons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20

Sexual violence in prisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20

Torture and ill-treatment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .21

Prevention of violence in prisons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .22

Prisons and health

The role of the prison health services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .24

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .24

5. Solitary confinement as a prison health issue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27

What is solitary confinement?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27

How does solitary confinement affect health and well-being. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27

Particularly vulnerable groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29

Long-term effects. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

When and why is solitary confinement used in contemporary penal systems? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

How do international law and human rights bodies view solitary confinement?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .32

Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .32

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .33

6. Health in pre-trial detention . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .36

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .36

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .36

Defining pre-trial detention . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .36

Guidelines. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .36

Challenges of pre-trial detention. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .37

Improving health conditions at the pre-trial stage. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .38

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .39

Communicable diseases

7. HIV and other bloodborne viruses in prisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .45

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .45

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .45

Bloodborne viruses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .45

The issues or challenges within the prison environment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .46

A comprehensive approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .46

The evidence. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .47

Interventions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .47

Nutrition support and diet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .53

Continuity of treatment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .53

Palliative care/compassionate release . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

Quality assurance and monitoring of, and interventions for, HIV and hepatitis C and D . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .54

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .54

8. TB prevention and control care in prisons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .56

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .56

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .56

Transmission. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .57

Case-finding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .58

Contents

Screening strategies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .58

Clinical features of TB . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .61

Treatment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .63

MDR-TB. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .64

TB/HIV co-infection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .66

TB infection control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .68

Advocacy, communication and social mobilization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .69

Continuum of care for released prisoners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .70

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .71

9. Infectious diseases in prison. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .73

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .73

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .73

Influenza. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .73

Measles, mumps and rubella. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .74

Viral hepatitis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .74

Tetanus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .74

Diphtheria. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .75

Sexually transmitted infections. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .75

Ectoparasites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .76

Vaccination, quarantine and personal hygiene . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .76

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .77

Noncommunicable diseases

10. Noncommunicable diseases and prisoners. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .81

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .81

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .81

Burden of disease and risk factors for NCDs in prisoners. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .81

Challenges in providing appropriate prevention and care to prisoners. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .82

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .84

11. Mental health in prison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .87

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .87

Human and prisoners’ rights and basic needs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .87

Equivalence. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .88

Prevalence of poor mental health. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .88

Complexity and multiple needs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .88

Illness and social focus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .89

The impact of prison on mental health and well-being. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .89

Prisoners’ views of their needs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .89

Prisoners’ views on what constitutes a good mental health service. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .90

Mental health awareness in the prison system. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .90

Prisoners and their families. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .90

Diagnosis and assessment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .91

Screening and assessment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .91

Treatment in prison. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .91

Personality disorders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .92

Continuity of care. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .92

Meeting the needs of different groups in the prison population. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .92

The recovery approach. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .93

The roles of peers and mentors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .93

Diversion and liaison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .94

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .94

Oral health

12. Dental health in prisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99

Oral health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99

General impact of general health on oral health. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99

Utilization of the prison dental service . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99

Provision of prison dental services. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .100

Accessibility of dental services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .100

Good clinical practice. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .101

Oral health promotion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .101

The dental team. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .102

Commissioning prison dental services. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .102

Risk factors

13. Drug use and related consequences among prison populations in European countries . . . . . . . . . . . .107

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .107

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .107

Drug use among the prison population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .107

The social characteristics of drug treatment clients in prison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .109

Health problems. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .109

Methodological limitations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .110

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .111

14. Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .113

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .113

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .113

Prevention, treatment, harm reduction and aftercare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .115

What works?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .116

Contents

Psychosocial drug treatment and pharmacological approaches as complementary measures

in a comprehensive package of drug services. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .117

Opioid substitution treatment in custodial settings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .119

Harm reduction programmes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .127

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .130

15. Alcohol and prisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .134

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .134

Alcohol in Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .134

Alcohol and crime. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .134

Alcohol problems in prisoners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .135

Effective detection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .135

Effective interventions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .135

Integrated care. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .135

Issues and challenges with alcohol problems in prisons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .136

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .137

16. Tobacco use in prison settings: a need for policy implementation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .138

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .138

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .138

Main issues: prevalence and exposure to SHS in prison settings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .138

WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (WHO FCTC) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .139

Reasons for the high prevalence of tobacco use in prisons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .139

Significance of tobacco use in prison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .139

Tobacco use by prison staff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .140

Addressing the smoking issue in prisons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140

Outline of a tobacco control policy in German prisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .142

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .143

Vulnerable groups

17. Prisoners with special needs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .151

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .151

International standards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .151

General principles of care . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .152

Treatment in prisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .152

A suitable prison or place of detention . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152

A proper manner of detention . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .152

Some important messages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .152

Prisoners with physical disabilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153

Ethnic minorities and indigenous peoples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154

Foreign prisoners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .154

Prisons and health

Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender prisoners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .155

Older prisoners. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .156

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .157

18. Women’s health and the prison setting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .159

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .159

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .159

Violence and abuse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .159

Substance use. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .160

Mental health issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .160

Infectious diseases. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .161

Dental health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .162

Children of women in prison. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .162

Organization of health care for women in prison. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .162

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .163

19. The older prisoner and complex chronic medical care . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .165

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .165

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .165

Accelerated ageing: who is old in prison?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166

Geriatric medicine and the multimorbidity model of care. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .166

Polypharmacy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .166

Geriatric syndromes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .167

Functional status and environmental mismatch. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .168

Mental health issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .168

End of life care and death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .168

Ageing and re-entry into the community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .169

Prison health management

20. Primary health care in prisons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .173

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .173

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .173

The purpose of health care. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .173

The experience of prison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .174

The components of primary care . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .174

The primary care journey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .174

Prison health care resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .175

Common problems encountered in primary care practice in prisons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .175

Building blocks for primary care in prison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .176

Measuring performance in health care . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .176

Competencies of and support for prison clinical staff. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .177

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .179

Contents

21. Promoting health in prisons: a settings approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .180

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .180

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .180

Challenges and opportunities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .180

The health promotion needs of prisoners. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181

A whole-prison approach: a vision for creating a health-promoting prison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .181

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .183

22. Staff health and well-being in prisons: leadership and training . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185

Key points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .185

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .185

Health and the prison. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .185

The stressful workplace. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .185

Risk factors and stress among prison employees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .186

Health risk factors for prison staff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186

Health promotion programmes to support employees. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .187

Health awareness. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .187

Prison staff training in health. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .188

Managers, leaders and decision-making. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188

Health care professionals. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .188

Maintaining professional standards. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188

Clinical governance and performance monitoring. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .188

Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .189

References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .189

Prisons and health

viii

The WHO Regional Office for Europe gratefully

acknowledges the work of the authors in writing this guide

to the most essential areas of prison health. Thanks are

also given to Dr Alex Gatherer and Dr Robert Greifinger

for reviewing the guide and for their valuable comments.

The document was edited by Mr Stefan Enggist,

Technical Officer, Health in Prisons, Dr Lars Moller,

Programme Manager, Dr Gauden Galea, Director, and

Ms Caroline Udesen, WHO consultant in the Division

of Noncommunicable Diseases and Life-course, WHO

Regional Office for Europe.

Acknowledgements

A special thanks to Ms Brenda van den Bergh for her

assistance at the start of the project.

The Regional Office is grateful to the Swiss Federal Office

for Public Health, the International Committee of the Red

Cross, the Pompidou Group of the Council of Europe and

the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime for their

conceptual and financial support in the production of this

document.

ix

About the authors

Ms Isabel Yordi Aguirre, Technical Officer, Gender and

Health, WHO Regional Office for Europe, Copenhagen,

Denmark

Mr Cyrus Ahalt, Division of Geriatrics, University of

California San Francisco, San Francisco, United States of

America

Ms Tomris Atabay, International Consultant, Criminal

Justice Reform, London, United Kingdom

Ms Michelle Baybutt, Pan-Regional Prisons Programme

Lead and Research & Development Officer, Healthy

Settings Unit, University of Central Lancashire, Preston,

United Kingdom

Ms Brenda van den Bergh, Technical Officer, HIV/AIDS,

STIs and Viral Hepatitis, WHO Regional Office for Europe,

Copenhagen, Denmark

Dr Dato Chorgoliani, Medical doctor, International

Committee of the Red Cross, Geneva, Switzerland

Dr Pierpaolo de Colombani, Medical Officer,

Tuberculosis and M/XDR-TB, WHO Regional Office for

Europe, Copenhagen, Denmark

Dr Andrew Coyle, Professor Emeritus, University of

London, London, United Kingdom

Dr Joanne Csete, Deputy Director, Global Drug Policy

Programme, Open Society Foundations, London, United

Kingdom

Dr Masoud Dara, Programme Manager, Tuberculosis and

M/XDR-TB, WHO Regional Office for Europe, Copenhagen,

Denmark

Professor Mark Dooris, Professor in Health and

Sustainability, Director, Healthy Settings Unit, University

of Central Lancashire, Preston, United Kingdom

Dr Graham Durcan, Associate Director, Criminal Justice

Programme, Centre for Mental Health, London, United

Kingdom

Mr Stefan Enggist, Technical Officer, Health in Prisons,

WHO Regional Office for Europe, Copenhagen, Denmark

Dr Andrew Fraser, Director of Public Health Science,

NHS Health Scotland, United Kingdom

Dr Enrique Acín García, Head, Public Health Department,

General Secretariat of Penitentiary Institutions, Ministry

of the Interior, Madrid, Spain

Dr Alex Gatherer, WHO consultant, United Kingdom

(deceased)

Ms Isabelle Giraudon, Researcher, European Monitoring

Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction, Lisbon, Portugal

Dr Lesley Graham, Public Health Lead for Alcohol, Drugs

and Offender Health, Information Services Division, NHS

National Services Scotland, United Kingdom

Ms Ruth Gray, Senior Dental Officer, Hydebank Wood

Prison, Belfast, Northern Ireland

Dr Sue Gregory, Director of Dental Public Health, Public

Health England, London, United Kingdom

Dr Robert B Greifinger, Prison health care consultant,

New York, United States of America

Dr Fabienne Hariga, Senior Adviser, HIV/AIDS, United

Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Vienna, Austria

Mr Paul Hayton, Deputy Director, WHO European

Collaborating Centre for Health and Prisons, Public Health

England, United Kingdom

Mr Ralf Jürgens, Director of Programs, Public Health

Program, Open Society Foundations, New York, United

States of America

Dr Andrej Kastelic, Head, National Centre for the

Treatment of Drug Addiction, University Psychiatric

Hospital, Ljubljana, Slovenia, President, South Eastern

European Adriatic Addiction Treatment Network

Dr Ruth Elwood Martin, Director and Clinical Professor,

Collaborating Centre for Prison Health and Education,

Vancouver, Canada

Dr Jens Modvig, Director, Chief Medical Officer, DIGNITY

– Danish Institute Against Torture, Copenhagen, Denmark

About the authors

Prisons and health

x

Dr Lars Møller, Programme Manager, Alcohol and Illicit

Drugs, WHO Regional Office for Europe, Copenhagen,

Denmark

Ms Linda Montanari, Senior scientific analyst, European

Monitoring Centre for Drug and Drug Addiction, Lisbon,

Portugal

Ms Manuela Pasinetti, Clinical psychologist, European

Monitoring Centre for Drug and Drug Addiction, Lisbon,

Portugal

Dr Emma Plugge, Senior Clinical Research Fellow,

University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom

Dr Jean-Pierre Restellini, Head, National Commission

for the Prevention of Torture, Berne, Switzerland

Mr Romeo Restellini, Medical resident, Centre

Universitaire Hospitalier Vaudois, Lausanne, Switzerland

Dr Catherine Ritter, Public health consultant, Geneva,

Switzerland

Mr Luis Royuela, Scientific officer, European Monitoring

Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction, Lisbon, Portugal

Dr Sharon Shalev, Director and Editor, Solitary

Confinement [website] and Research Fellow, Centre for

Criminology, University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom

ADL activites of daily living

ART antiretroviral therapy

ARV antiretroviral

CPT European Committee for the Prevention of

Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment

or Punishment

DOTS directly observed treatment, short-course

DST drug susceptibility testing

EMCDDA European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and

Drug Addiction

EU European Union

HBsAg hepatitis B surface antigen

HBV hepatitis B virus

HCV hepatitis C virus

HIPP Health in Prisons Programme

IADL instrumental activities of daily living

IGRA interferon gamma release assay

Abbreviations

Dr Heino Stöver, Professor, Social Scientific Addiction

Research, University of Applied Sciences in Frankfurt,

Frankfurt, Germany

Mr Sven Todts, Independent adviser prison health care,

Belgium

Ms Denise Tomasini-Joshi, Deputy Director,

International Harm Reduction Program, Open Society

Foundations, New York, United States of America

Mr Julian Vicente, Head, Unit of Prevalence and

Patterns of Drug Use and Data Management, European

Monitoring Centre on Drugs and Drug Addiction, Lisbon,

Portugal

Mr Lucas Wiessing, Principal scientist/epidemiologist,

European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction,

Lisbon, Portugal

Dr Brie Williams, Associate Professor, Division of

Geriatrics, University of California San Francisco, San

Francisco, United States of America

Dr Jan Cees Zwemstra, Psychiatrist and board member,

National Institute of Forensic Psychiatry and Psychology,

Utrecht, Netherlands

IPT isoniazid preventive therapy

LGBT lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender

MDR multidrug-resistant TB

NCD noncommunicable diseases

NTP national TB programme

OST opioid substitution therapy

RNA ribonucleic acid

SHS second-hand smoke

SIZO sledstvennyj izoljator [Russian pre-trial

detention centre]

STIs sexually-transmitted infections

TB tuberculosis

UNAIDS Joint United National Programme on HIV/

AIDS

UNODC United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime

XDR extensively drug-resistant TB

xi

Foreword

Some six million men and women are imprisoned in the

WHO European Region every year. Most of these prisoners

are from poor and vulnerable communities.

Prisons are not healthy places. Communicable diseases

are frequently transmitted among prisoners, and the

rates of HIV, hepatitis and tuberculosis are much higher

among them than in the general population. There is also

a high prevalence of mental health problems, including

substance abuse disorders, and a higher prevalence of

noncommunicable diseases. Unhealthy conditions such

as overcrowding and poor hygiene are common in many

prisons.

Prison health is part of public health and prisons are part

of our society. One third of prisoners leave prison every

year and the interaction between prisons and society is

huge. We have to ensure that prisons are not becoming

breeding places for communicable and noncommunicable

diseases, and we must also seek to use the experience

of imprisonment for the benefit of prisoners and society.

The WHO European health policy framework, Health

2020, aims at improving public health and reducing health

inequalities. It considers that social values such as human

rights and equity are the key to good governance for

health.

This also applies to prison health, with no compromise.

When a state deprives people of their liberty, it must

guarantee their right to health and provide them with the

best possible care.

A great number of efforts are being made to improve the

health of prisoners in our Region. However, many Member

States still do not fully meet their responsibility to protect

the health of their prisoners.

An expert group advising the Regional Office on the

organization of prison health concluded that:

• the management and coordination of all relevant

agencies and resources contributing to the health

and well-being of prisoners is a whole-of-government responsibility;

• health ministries should provide and be accountable

for health care services in prisons and advocate

healthy prison conditions.

I commend this book as a major step towards promoting

the health and well-being of prisoners in our Region, and

as an important contribution to better public health and to

fewer health inequalities. It is aimed at professional staff

at all levels of responsibility for the health and well-being

of prisoners and at people with political responsibility in this field.

Zsuzsanna Jakab

WHO Regional Director for Europe

Foreword

14

Prisons and health

15

Human rights and medical ethics

1

1. The essentials about prisons and health

Alex Gatherer, Stefan Enggist, Lars Moller

Key points

• The state has a special duty of care for those in places

of detention which should cover safety, basic needs

and recognition of human rights, including the right to

health.

• A primary health care service in prisons must be

provided with staff, resources and facilities of at least

the same standard as those available in the community.

This principle of equivalence is an important measure

of the adequacy of health care provision in places of detention.

• All health staff should have complete professional

independence and should preferably be employed by a

health authority. Their right to practise their profession

within their professional codes of conduct and ethical

rules should be clearly understood and accepted.

• It is important that all staff working in prisons accept

that to the health team, prisoners are patients and

must be treated as such. The duty of care placed on

professional staff is the same whether the patient is

at liberty or in prison.

• The prisoner as patient has the right to confidentiality

and to treatment and care that is subject to informed consent.

• The importance of initial health screening and

evaluation must be recognized and the best possible

service should be provided. All staff involved should be

aware of the benefits of diversion to other institutions

for those prisoners who need to be in special facilities.

• Continuity of care is a crucial element of a sustainable

prison health service. Prison health staff should

make arrangements for continuous access to care on

transfer or on release, which should be facilitated by

prison management.

• Prison services have a responsibility to ensure that

prisoners are not exposed to hazards likely to injure their health.

• Health in prisons is too important to be left solely to

the health team. All staff working in prisons should

have further training in health issues so that they

have a better understanding of what the health team

is doing and can support those efforts through their

duties concerning the prison environment and regimes.

• Health resilience is an important aim of prison health

care and an important contribution towards successful

resettlement after discharge and to the reduction of

health inequalities.

• A prison health service should be seen as helping

to build a healthier society. An element of this is to

support, where possible, the work of the prison staff

in encouraging changes in attitude and behaviour with

the objective of a crime-free society.

• Prison health services should not be isolated but

should be integrated into regional and national health systems.

Background

In 1994, when it was first suggested to the WHO Regional

Office for Europe that special attention should be given to

the health of those in prisons and other places of detention,

the Regional Director was Dr Jo E. Asvall, whose special

enthusiasm was for health for all. Research at that time

was drawing attention to tuberculosis (TB) and HIV/AIDS

in prisons. It was clear that prisoners were a vulnerable

group drawn from those parts of society which were hard

to reach as regards health. The Region was leading the

world in the settings approach to promoting health, and

there was a strong case being made that prisons were

a suitable setting, different from health-promoting cities

and schools but open to the same holistic approaches that

were so successful in daily living settings. Furthermore, in

most countries, prison health was the responsibility of the

ministry of justice or the ministry of the interior and was

thus excluded from any influence from WHO working with

the ministry of health.

In 1995, WHO and the United Kingdom organized a pilot

meeting of some eight countries and various experts

to discuss the proposal to establish a network for the

exchange of experience in tackling health problems in

prisons. The network, known as the WHO Health in Prisons

Programme (HIPP), which developed from that pilot now

includes most of the Member States in the Region. The

purpose of the network is to exchange experience in

tackling the health issues facing prisoners and prisons

and to produce consensual statements of advice. The

absence of a single publication drawing together advice

from experts and members of HIPP led, in 2007, to the

publication of the first edition of this guide.

The duty of care

There are several unique factors pertaining to people

remanded in custody by a judicial authority or deprived

of their liberty following conviction. The first is that

2

Prisons and health

the detaining authority has to assume a duty of care

for them, that is, a comprehensive obligation to meet

at least their basic needs. The second is that prisoners

are entirely dependent on the staff of prisons and

detention centres for all aspects of their daily lives,

as well as for protection and safety. This dependence

must be understood by the staff since they share the

duty of care with their employing authority, which should

influence their attitude and approach. The third factor is

that detainees retain all human rights other than their

freedom. Their right to health is in no way diminished by

their detention.

Why prison health is important

There are two other compelling reasons for providing

health care in prisons. First is the importance of prison

health to public health in general. Prison populations

contain a high prevalence of people with serious and often

life-threatening conditions. Sooner or later most prisoners

will return to the community, carrying back with them new

diseases and untreated conditions that may pose a threat

to community health and add to the burden of disease in

the community. Thus there is a compelling interest on the

part of society that this vulnerable group receive health

protection and treatment for any ill health.

The second reason is society’s commitment to social

justice. Healthy societies have a strong sense of fair

play: those involved in the provision of health care are

committed to reducing health inequalities as a significant

contribution to health for all. It is a fact that the majority

of prisoners come from the poorest parts of society, with

deficiencies in education and employment experience.

Their admission to prison can be the first time they have

had a settled life with adequate nutrition and a chance to

reduce their vulnerability to ill health and social failure.

Prison health care can play an important role in reducing

health inequalities.

All this underlines the need for governments to give a

degree of priority to health in prisons. First, they should

meet their duty of care for those deprived of their liberty.

Second, they should respect prisoners’ human rights, aid

the protection of their health and contribute to public

health as a whole, thus making a major contribution

towards reducing health inequalities in a vulnerable part

of the population while society awaits the effects of

action on the broader social determinants of health.

It is not, however, easy to provide health care in prisons

which by their nature are designed for safe custody and

provided with regimes that have necessarily developed

around questions of security.

Difficulties with isolation of services

One of the early and important lessons learned by

the network is that prison health services cannot be

adequately provided in isolation from other health

and social services. In 2003, the network agreed, and

WHO published, the Moscow Declaration, which called

attention to the need for prison health services to be

integrated or work closely with public health services

(1). Since then, the need to avoid professional isolation

has been further developed as part of WHO’s work with

health systems. It is now realized that prison health has

important implications for health governance as a whole.

A modern prison health service takes as its working

method the “health in all policies” approach, in which

effective and systematic action for the improvement of

health genuinely uses all available measures in all policy

fields. In 2013, WHO and the United Nations Office on

Drugs and Crime (UNODC) published a policy brief on the

organization of prison health, Good governance for prison

health in the 21st century (2), with the following main findings:

• prisoners share the same right to health and wellbeing

as other people;

• prisoners generally come from socially disadvantaged

segments of the community and carry a higher burden

of communicable and noncommunicable diseases

compared with the general population;

• prisons are settings with high risks of disease;

because their inhabitants continuously exchange

with outside communities, they present a complex

and difficult challenge for public health, especially

where communicable diseases such as HIV or TB are

concerned;

• states have a special, sovereign duty of care for

prisoners: they are accountable for all avoidable health

impairments to prisoners caused by inadequate health

care measures or inadequate prison conditions with

regard to hygiene, catering, space, heating, lighting,

ventilation, physical activity and social contacts;

• prison health services should work to at least

the equivalent professional, ethical and technical

standards to those applying to public health services

in the community;

• prison health services should be provided exclusively

to care for prisoners and must never be involved in the

punishment of prisoners;

• prison health services should be fully independent

of prison administrations and liaise effectively with them;

• prison health services should be integrated into

national health policies and systems, including the

training and professional development of health care staff.

3

The essentials about prisons and health

Essential components of a prison health service

Each of these aspects features strongly throughout this

guide, as they underpin the objectives of a prison health

service and support the motivation of the staff. This

overview aims to give a brief outline of prison health

services and their main features.

The prison service is the least known and understood of

all the public services despite its importance for society.

Where health is concerned, a lack of prison health care

can threaten public health and add to the health burden

on communities. By helping to build healthy communities,

a prison health service can help to avoid an increase in the

general burden of disease. Good prison health care will

also contribute to a reduction in reoffending after release.

The essential points can be summarized under four

headings:

• medical care

• health protection

• health promotion

• health resilience.

Medical care

The first essential is the provision of medical care for

prisoners in need of it, which requires access to fully

trained doctors and nurses with a supply of modern

medicines and appropriate facilities, such as consultation

rooms, treatment rooms and short-stay beds with some

nursing supervision. The recruitment, retention and

continuing professional training of health care staff should

be arranged so as to create a dedicated and specialized

health service for people in detention. It is important to

maintain the professional interest of health staff, which is

more easily done when the prison service is not isolated

from the community health services and has good links to

specialist health services.

Health care should include the continuance of any

treatment started before admission, so the second

essential is a full assessment of a prisoner’s health and

related needs as soon as possible after admission. This

is important to ensure that the prisoner does not have a

medical condition that could affect the health of others,

such as TB, and that he/she is not a danger or threat

to him/herself or others. The initial health screening is

recognized as an extremely important phase in prison

health. It ensures that a good assessment of the health

status of the prisoner and other needs are noted so that

a personalized treatment and care programme can be

established with the health team and others. Importantly,

it draws attention to prisoners whose health needs are

too complex to be managed in that prison, so that steps

can be taken to move the prisoner to a more appropriate

institution. This is of great value to those with serious

mental illness and/or substance abuse problems, who

need to be transferred to a facility with specialized

expertise. Furthermore, as it offers the possibility to

establish evidence of ill-treatment, the initial health

screening constitutes a basic safeguard against torture

and any other kind of ill-treatment.

The core of prison health is a primary care service, along

the lines of primary care in the community. It is not easy

to provide such a service within prisons, as easy access

to health clinics is usually not possible. What is possible

is for a service to be designed, with the agreement of

the staff and the prisoners kept fully informed, to provide

prompt access to an appropriate level of care. This

includes training and retraining for prison staff in first aid

and the management of acute mental illness, and training

for non-health staff on how to access acute care when the

health care staff are not on site.

The prison health services must also have good access

to specialist and diagnostic health services, including

hospitals, since prison hospitals are often unable to meet

the standards of hospitals serving the population outside.

Access has to be carefully planned with prison staff. Plans

to meet this need must be made in advance and made

known to all staff. These will vary with national policies

and local circumstances. The arrangements should be

known to the prisoners.

Finally, for health care provision in prison to be

sustainable, prison health services should do their best

to make arrangements for continuity of care on the

transfer or release of prisoners. This requires continuing

communication between the health team and the

management of prisoners so that all steps can be planned

in time and all necessary information can be transferred

with the prisoner.

Health protection

Governments have a responsibility to ensure health

protection, meaning that prisoners in their care are

not exposed to serious threats to their health. Many

prisons are old and often overcrowded, so this is quite a

challenge. Health training for all staff (as recommended

in Chapter 22) should include the social determinants of

health, the causes of disease and the determinants and

mechanisms of ill health. This should greatly increase their

understanding of what should be done for the maintenance

and protection of good health. The aim is for all prison staff

to work with the health care team so that prisoners are

discharged with better health and health resilience than

they had on admission to prison. A clear understanding of

4

Prisons and health

the expected roles of the health team and those of other

prison staff is important for good collaboration.

The key steps in protecting health include: a reduction

of hazards in the environment, a good health screening

service, attention to immediate health needs, proper

nutrition, exercise in the fresh air if possible, and two

important additions to the prison service: where possible,

a method of using peer groups in what some prisons have

developed as a listening service for drawing attention to

prisoners in need, and a good complaints service.

Health promotion

Health promotion is now regarded as an essential part of

primary health care. The provision of health information

in a manner that prisoners can understand remains an

important part of promoting health. But this is not enough

not on its own. Prisoners’ attitudes to health should be

assessed and encouraged, and help given to change

unhealthy behaviour such as tobacco use, substance

abuse and alcohol abuse.

Prison authorities should ensure that health promotion

services are available and that deficiencies, such as any

necessary immunizations, can be rectified in prison.

It is well recognized that admission to prison can create

considerable pain and distress. Nearly all prisoners are

challenged by their loss of freedom. Prison regimes leave

scant room for self-determination. This is one of the

greatest challenges in prisons, and one which should be

the subject of regular staff development and continuing

training. It is assumed that all prisoners with serious

mental illness are diverted to specialist care, but there

may be periods when such prisoners have to remain in

their prison. Staff need to be trained in the management

of these patients.

Prison authorities should be aware of the pressure on

staff from prisoners with special needs. Support for staff

and opportunities to discuss particular issues should be

part of the service provided. It is critically important to

maintain confidentiality in all prison health work; this

poses a particular challenge to prison staff, who often

feel they have a right to know.

All prisoners need assistance to cope with and

control the effects of imprisonment. They also need

better preparation for life after discharge. This latter

challenge involves the whole prison programme, so that

educational deficiencies are at least partially met, work

experience has been made available and social skills

have been greatly enhanced.

Health resilience

Health resilience can be an important part of the

rehabilitation and resettlement process. Only in this way,

with health teams working collaboratively with other staff

in the prison, can prison health care play a part in reducing

inequalities, reducing recidivism and helping to produce a

better and healthier community.

Good governance for prison health

The management of prisons and places of detention has

become a difficult and challenging task. This is often

not recognized in government and society. The complex

and widely ranging needs of prisoners, combined with

their increasing awareness of their rights and greater

expectations as well as (in some countries) access to a

good complaints system and to legal assistance, play a

considerable part in how best to provide prison health

services.

The expert group advising the Regional Office on

the policy brief on the organization of prison health

concluded that:

• the management and coordination of all relevant

agencies and resources contributing to the health

and well-being of prisoners is a whole-of-government

responsibility;

• health ministries should provide and be accountable

for health care services in prisons and advocate

healthy prison conditions.

A whole-of-government approach to prison health in the

longer term will have beneficial effects such as:

• lower health risks and improved health protection in

prisons;

• better health for prisoners;

• improved performance of national health systems;

• better health in deprived communities;

• better public health in the whole community;

• better integration of prisoners into society on release;

• lower rates of reoffending and reincarceration and a

reduction in the size of the prison population; and

• increased governmental credibility based on greater

efforts to protect human rights and reduce health

inequalities.

References

1. Declaration on Prison Health as Part of Public Health.

Moscow, 24 October 2003. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2003 (http://www.euro.

who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/98971/E94242.

pdf, accessed 7 November 2013).

2. Good governance for prison health in the 21st century.

A policy brief on the organization of prison health.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2013

5

The essentials about prisons and health

(http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0017/

231506/Good-governance-for-prison-health-in-the-

21st-century.pdf, accessed 9 November 2013).

6

2. Standards in prison health: the prisoner as a patient

Andrew Coyle

Key points

• People who are in prison have the same right to health

care as everyone else.

• Prison administrations have a responsibility to ensure

that prisoners receive proper health care and that

prison conditions promote the well-being of both

prisoners and prison staff.

• Health care staff must deal with prisoners primarily as

patients and not prisoners.

• Health care staff must have the same professional

independence as their professional colleagues

working in the community.

• Health policy in prisons should be integrated into

national health policy, and the administration of public

health should be closely linked to the health services

administered in prisons.

• This applies to all health matters but is particularly

important for communicable diseases.

• The European Prison Rules of the Council of Europe

provide important standards for prison health care.

Basic principles

Several international standards define the quality of

health care that should be provided to prisoners. A

provision in Article 12 of the International Covenant on

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights establishes “the right

of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable

standard of physical and mental health” (1). This applies

to prisoners just as it does to every other human being.

Those who are imprisoned retain their fundamental right

to enjoy good health, both physical and mental, and

retain their entitlement to a standard of health care that

is at least the equivalent of that provided in the wider

community.

The United Nations Basic Principles for the Treatment of

Prisoners (2) indicate how the entitlement of prisoners

to the highest attainable standard of health care should

be delivered: “Prisoners shall have access to the health

services available in the country without discrimination

on the grounds of their legal situation” (Principle 9). In

other words, the fact that people are in prison does not

mean that they have any reduced right to appropriate

health care. Rather, the opposite is the case. When a state

deprives people of their liberty, it takes on a responsibility

to look after their health in terms both of the conditions

under which it detains them and of the individual

treatment that may be necessary. Prison administrations

have a responsibility not simply to provide health care

but also to establish conditions that promote the wellbeing

of both prisoners and prison staff. Prisoners should

not leave prison in a worse condition than when they

entered. This principle is reinforced by Recommendation

No. R (98) 7 of the Committee of Ministers of the Council

of Europe (3) concerning the ethical and organizational

aspects of health care in prison and by the European

Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or

Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT), particularly in

its 3rd general report (4). The European Court of Human

Rights is also producing an increasing body of case law

confirming the obligation of states to safeguard the health

of prisoners in their care.1

The argument is sometimes advanced that states cannot

provide adequate health care for prisoners because of

shortage of resources. In the 11th general report on

its activities, the CPT underlined the obligations state

governments have to prisoners even in times of economic

difficulty (8):

The CPT is aware that in periods of economic difficulty

sacrifices have to be made, including in penitentiary

establishments. However, regardless of the difficulties

faced at any given time, the act of depriving a person of

his liberty always entails a duty of care which calls for

effective methods of prevention, screening, and treatment.

Compliance with this duty by public authorities is all the

more important when it is a question of care required to

treat life-threatening diseases. In respect of the obligation

to provide adequate health care to prisoners, there are two

fundamental considerations. One concerns the relationship

between the prisoner and the health care staff and the other

concerns how prison health care is organized.

Relationship between the prisoner and

health care staff

All health care staff working in prisons must always

remember that their first duty to any prisoner who is their

patient is clinical. This is underlined in the first of the

United Nations Principles of Medical Ethics relevant to

the Role of Health Personnel, particularly Physicians, in

the Protection of Prisoners and Detainees against Torture

1 See, for example, the cases of Mouisel v. France [2002] (5), Henaf v. France [2003] (6) and McGlinchey and others v. The United Kingdom [2003] (7).

7

Standards in prison health: the prisoner as a patient

and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or

Punishment (9), which states the following:

Health personnel, particularly physicians, charged with

the medical care of prisoners and detainees have a duty to

provide them with protection of their physical and mental

health and treatment of disease of the same quality and

standard as is afforded to those who are not imprisoned or

detained.

The International Council of Prison Medical Services

confirmed this principle when it agreed on the Oath of

Athens (10):

We, the health professionals who are working in prison

settings, meeting in Athens on September 10, 1979, hereby

pledge, in keeping with the spirit of the Oath of Hippocrates,

that we shall endeavour to provide the best possible health

care for those who are incarcerated in prisons for whatever

reasons, without prejudice and within our respective

professional ethics.

This principle is particularly important for physicians. In

some countries, full-time physicians can spend their whole

careers working in the prison environment. It is virtually

inevitable in such situations that these physicians will

form a close relationship with the prison management

and indeed may be members of the senior management

team of the prison. One consequence of this may be

that the director of the prison will occasionally expect

the physician to assist in managing prisoners who are

causing difficulty. For example, the security staff may

ask the physician to sedate prisoners who are violent

to themselves, to other prisoners or to staff. In some

jurisdictions, prison administrations may demand that

physicians provide them with confidential information

about a person’s HIV status. Physicians should never lose

sight of the fact that their relationship with every prisoner

should be first and foremost that between physician and

patient. A physician should never do anything to patients

or cause anything to be done to them that is not in their

best clinical interests. Similarly, as with all other patients,

physicians should always seek consent from the patient

before taking any clinical action, unless the patient is not

competent on clinical grounds to give this consent. An

internet diploma course entitled Doctors working in prison:

human rights and ethical dilemmas, provided free on the

internet by the Norwegian Medical Association (11) on

behalf of the World Medical Association, focuses on many

of these issues. See also the World Medical Association

Declaration on Hunger Strikers adopted by the 43rd World

Medical Assembly, Malta, November 1991 and revised

by the World Medical Association General Assembly in

Pilanesberg, South Africa, in October 2006 (12).

This primary duty to deal with prisoners as patients

applies equally to other health care staff. In many

countries nurses carry out a variety of basic health care

functions. These may include carrying out preliminary

health assessments of newly admitted prisoners, issuing

medicines or applying treatments prescribed by a physician

or being the first point of contact for prisoners concerned

about their health. The nurses who carry out these duties

should be properly qualified for what they do and should

treat people primarily as patients rather than as prisoners

when carrying out their duties. The International Council

of Nurses published a statement saying, among other

things, that national nursing associations should provide

access to confidential advice, counselling and support for

prison nurses (13).

Organization of prison health care

One method of ensuring that prisoners have access to an

appropriate quality of health care is by providing close

links between prison-administered health services and

public health. In recent years, some countries have begun

to create and strengthen such relationships. Many prison

and public health reformers argue, however, that a close

relationship is not enough and that prison health should

be part of the general health services of the country rather

than a specialist service under the government ministry

responsible for the prisons. There are strong arguments

for moving in this direction in terms of improving the

quality of health care provided to prisoners. In Norway,

for example, the process of giving local health authorities

responsibility for providing health care services in prison

was completed in the 1980s. In France, legislation was

introduced in 1994 placing prison health under the General

Health Directorate for Public Health Issues in the Ministry

of Health. In the United Kingdom (England and Wales),

responsibility and the budget for prison health care were

transferred to the National Health Service in 2002.

The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe has

urged that “health policy in custody should be integrated

into, and compatible with, national health policy” (3). The

Committee points out that, as well as being in the interest

of prisoners, this integration is in the interest of the

health of the population at large, especially as concerns

policies relating to infectious diseases that can spread

from prisons to the wider community. The vast majority

of prisoners will return to civil society one day, often to

the communities from which they came. Some are in

prison for very short periods. When they are released, it is

important for the good of society that they return in good

health rather than needing more support from the public

health services or bringing infectious diseases with them.

Continuity of care between prisons and communities is a

public health imperative. Many other people go into and

8

Prisons and health

come out of prison on a daily basis: staff, lawyers, officials

and other visitors. This means that there is significant

potential for transmitting serious disease or infection. For

these reasons, prisons cannot be seen as separate health

sites from other institutions in society.

WHO strongly recommends that prison and public health

care be closely linked. The Moscow Declaration on Prison

Health as a Part of Public Health (14) elaborated on some

of the reasons why close working relationships with

public health authorities are so important, as under:

• Penitentiary populations contain an overrepresentation

of members of the most marginalized groups in society,

people with poor health and chronic untreated conditions,

drug users, vulnerable people and those who engage in

risky activities such as injecting drugs and commercial

sex work.

• The movement of people already infected with or at high

risk of disease to penitentiary institutions and back into

civil society without effective treatment and follow-up

gives rise to the risk of the spread of communicable

diseases both within and beyond the penitentiary

system. Prevention and treatment responses must

be based on scientific evidence and on sound public

health principles, with the involvement of the private

sector, nongovernmental organizations and the affected

population.

• The living conditions in most prisons of the world are

unhealthy. Overcrowding, violence, lack of light, fresh

air and clean water, poor food and infection-spreading

activities such as tattooing are common. Rates of

infection with TB, HIV and hepatitis are much higher than

in the general population.

The Declaration makes a series of recommendations that

would form the basis for improving the health care of all

detained people, protecting the health of prison personnel

and contributing to the public health goals of every

Member State in the Region:

• Member governments are recommended to develop

close working links between the Ministry of Health and

the ministry responsible for the penitentiary system so

as to ensure high standards of treatment for detainees,

protection for personnel, joint training of professionals

in modern standards of disease control, high levels of

professionalism amongst penitentiary medical personnel,

continuity of treatment between the penitentiary and

outside society, and unification of statistics.

• Member governments are recommended to ensure that

all necessary health care for those deprived of their

liberty is provided to everyone free of charge.

• Public and penitentiary health systems are recommended

to work together to ensure that harm reduction becomes

the guiding principle of policy on the prevention of HIV/

AIDS and hepatitis transmission in penitentiary systems.

• Public and penitentiary health systems are recommended

to work together to ensure the early detection of

tuberculosis, its prompt and adequate treatment, and the

prevention of transmission in penitentiary systems.

• State authorities, civil and penitentiary medical services,

international organizations and the mass media are

recommended to consolidate their efforts to develop

and implement a complex approach to tackle the dual

infection of tuberculosis and HIV.

• Governmental organizations, civil and penitentiary

medical services and international organizations are

recommended to promote their activities and consolidate

their efforts in order to achieve quality improvements in

the provision of psychological and psychiatric treatments

to people who are imprisoned.

• Member governments are recommended to work to

improve prison conditions so that the minimum health

requirements for light, air, space, water and nutrition are

met.

• The WHO Regional Office for Europe is recommended

to ensure that all its specialist departments and country

officers take account in their work of the health care

needs and problems of penitentiary systems and develop

and coordinate activities to improve the health of

detainees.

European Prison Rules

All the countries that are members of the WHO Health in

Prisons Project are also members of the Council of Europe.

In 1973, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of

Europe adopted the European Standard Minimum Rules

for the Treatment of Prisoners (15), which were closely

modelled on the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules

for the Treatment of Prisoners (16). In that year, the Council

of Europe had 15 members. At the beginning of 1987,

when it had expanded to 21 members, the Committee of

Ministers of the Council of Europe adopted a new set of

European Prison Rules (17). At the time, the Committee of

Ministers noted “that significant social trends and changes

in regard to prison treatment and management have made

it desirable to reformulate the Standard Minimum Rules

for the Treatment of Prisoners, drawn up by the Council of

Europe (Resolution (73) 5) so as to support and encourage

the best of these developments and offer scope for future

progress”. By 2005, the membership of the Council of

Europe expanded further to 46 states. For that reason, the

Council of Europe decided to revise the 1987 European

Prison Rules.

The revised European Prison Rules, adopted on 11 January

2006 by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of

9

Standards in prison health: the prisoner as a patient

Europe (18), contain a significantly expanded section on

health care in the prison setting. For the first time, the

European Prison Rules specifically refer to the obligation

of prison authorities to safeguard the health of all

prisoners (§39) and the need for prison medical services to

be organized in close relationship with the general public

health administration (§40).

Every prison is recommended to have the services of at

least one qualified general medical practitioner and to

have other personnel suitably trained in health care (§41).

Arrangements to safeguard health care begin at the point

of first admission, when prisoners are entitled to have

a medical examination (§42), and continue throughout

the course of detention (§43). The commentary to the

European Prison Rules refers to some recent developments

in imprisonment with implications for health care. One

is the increasing tendency for courts to impose very

long sentences, which increases the possibility that old

prisoners may die in prison. Related to this is the need

to give proper and humane treatment to any prisoner

who is terminally ill. The Committee of Ministers of the

Council of Europe has also made a recommendation on

the treatment of prisoners on hunger strike (3). In addition

to dealing with the health needs of individual prisoners,

those responsible for prison health are also recommended

to inspect the general conditions of detention, including

food, water, hygiene, sanitation, heating, lighting and

ventilation, as well as the suitability and cleanliness of

the prisoners’ clothing and bedding (§44). The European

Prison Rules also recommend that provision is made for

prisoners who require specialist treatment (§46) and

those who have mental health needs (§47).

One important change should be noted. The 1987 European

Prison Rules provided that prison authorities could only

impose “punishment by disciplinary confinement and any

other punishment which might have an adverse effect

on the physical or mental health of the prisoner” if the

medical officer certified in writing that the prisoner was

fit to undergo such punishment. This led to concerns that,

by providing this certification, the physician was in effect

authorizing the imposition of punishment, in contradiction

to the Hippocratic Oath. The revised European Prison

Rules remove this requirement.

References

1. International Covenant on Economic, Social and

Cultural Rights. Geneva, Office of the United Nations

High Commissioner for Human Rights, 1966 (http://

www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/

CESCR.aspx, accessed 7 November 2013).

2. Basic principles for the treatment of prisoners.New York,

NY, United Nations, 1990 (http://www.ohchr.org/EN/

ProfessionalInterest/Pages/BasicPrinciplesTreatment

OfPrisoners.aspx, accessed 7 November 2013).

3. Recommendation No. R (98) 7 of the Committee of Ministers

to member states concerning the ethical and organisational

aspects of health care in prison. Strasbourg, Council

of Europe, 1998 (http://legislationline.org/documents/

action/popup/id/ 8069, accessed 7 November 2013).

4. European Committee for the Prevention of Torture

and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.

3rd general report on the CPT’s activities covering the

period 1 January to 31 December 1992. Strasbourg,

Council of Europe, 1993 (CPT/Inf (93) 12) (http:

//www.cpt.coe.int/en/annual/rep-03.htm, accessed

7 November 2013).

5. Chamber judgment in the case of Mouisel v. France. Strasbourg,

European Court of Human Rights, 14 November 2002

(application number 67263/010) (http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/

sites/eng-press/Pages/search.aspx#{“fulltext”:[“Mouisel

v. France”],”itemid”:[“003-651691-657425”]}, accessed

11 November 2013).

6. Chamber judgment in the case of Henaf v. France.

Strasbourg, European Court of Human Rights, 27 November

2003 (application number 65436/01) (http://hudoc.echr.coe.

int/sites/eng-press/Pages/search.aspx#{“fulltext”:[“Henaf

v. France”],”itemid”:[“003-885782-910233”]}, accessed

11 November 2013).

7. Chamber judgment in the case of McGlinchey and

others v. The United Kingdom. Strasbourg, European

Court of Human Rights, 29 April 2003 (application

number 50390/99) (http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/sites/

eng-press/pages/search.aspx?i=003-741378-753326,

accessed 11 November 2013).

8. European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. 11th

general report on the CPT’s activities covering the

period 1 January to 31 December 2000. Strasbourg,

Council of Europe, 2001 (CPT/Inf (2001) 16) (http://

www.cpt.coe.int/en/annual/rep-11.htm, accessed

7 November 2013).

9. Principles of medical ethics relevant to the role of health

personnel, particularly physicians, in the protection

of prisoners and detainees against torture and other

cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

New York, NY, United Nations, 1982 (http://www.ohchr.org

/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/BasicPrinciplesTreat

mentOfPrisoners.aspx, accessed 7 November 2013).

10. Oath of Athens. London, Prison Health Care

Practitioners, 1979 (http://www.medekspert.az/en/

chapter1/resources/The%20Oath%20of%20Athens.

pdf, accessed 7 November 2013).

11. Doctors working in prison: human rights and ethical

dilemmas [web site]. Oslo, Norwegian Medical Association,

2004 (http://www.wma.net/en/70education/10onlinecour

ses/20prison/, accessed 7 November 2013).

10

Prisons and health

12. Declaration on Hunger Strikers adopted by the 43rd

World Medical Assembly, Malta, November 1991 and

revised by the World Medical Association General

Assembly, Pilanesberg, South Africa, October 2006.

Ferney-Voltaire, World Medical Association, 2013

(http://www.wma.net/en/30publications/10policies/

h31/, accessed 7 November 2013).

13. Nurses’ role in the care of detainees and prisoners.

Geneva, International Council of Nurses, 1998 (http://

www.icn.ch/images/stories/documents/publications/

position_statements/A13_Nurses_Role_Detainees_

Prisoners.pdf, accessed 7 November 2013).

14. Declaration on Prison Health as Part of Public Health.

Moscow, 24 October 2003. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2003 (http://www.euro.

who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/98971/E94242.

pdf, accessed 7 November 2013).

15. Resolution (73) 5. Standard minimum rules for the

treatment of prisoners. Strasbourg, Council of Europe,

1973 (https://wcd.coe.int/com.instranet.Instra Servlet?

command=com.instranet.CmdBlobGet&InstranetIma

ge=588982&SecMode=1&DocId=645672&Usage=2,

accessed 7 November 2013).

16. Standard minimum rules for the treatment of prisoners.

New York, NY, United Nations, 1955 (http://www.

unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6b36e8.html, accessed

10 November 2013).

17. Recommendation No. R (87) 3 of the Committee of

Ministers to member states on the European Prison

Rules. Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 1987 (https://wcd.

coe.int/com.instranet.InstraServlet?command=com.

instranet.CmdBlobGet&InstranetImage=1977676&

SecMode=1&DocId=692778&Usage=2, accessed

7 November 2013).

18. Recommendation No. R (2006) 2 of the Committee of

Ministers to member states on the European Prison

Rules. Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 2006 (https://

wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=955747, accessed

7 November 2013).

Further reading

Coyle A, Stern V. Captive populations: prison health care.

In: Healy J, McKee M, eds. Accessing health care. Oxford,

Oxford University Press, 2004.

Tomascevski K. Prison health: international standards and

national practices in Europe. Helsinki, HEUNI, 1992.

11

3. Prison-specific ethical and clinical problems

Jean-Pierre Restellini, Romeo Restellini

Key points

• Regardless of the circumstances, the ultimate goal of

health care staff in prisons must remain the welfare

and dignity of the patients.

• The results of medical examinations and tests

undertaken in prison with the patient’s consent as part

of clinical care must be treated with the same respect

for confidentiality as is normal according to medical

ethics in general medical practice.

• Prison physicians should avoid dual roles with the

same patient. To avoid as far as possible any confusion

about the role of the doctor in medical examinations

and treatment in the caregiving role and in other

functions (such as providing medical expertise for, for

example, forensic reports), the doctor should make it

clear to the patient at the outset of the consultation

that medical confidentiality will not apply to the results

of any medical examinations and tests undertaken for

forensic purposes.

• Regardless of security issues, health care staff should

have unrestricted access at any time and any place to

all prisoners, including those undergoing disciplinary

sanctions.

• Health care staff should under no circumstances

participate in enforcing any sanctions against

prisoners or in the underlying decision-making process,

as this will jeopardize any subsequent doctor–patient

relationship. This includes any medical examination to

determine if a prisoner is fit to undergo punishment.

• Medical staff should not carry out any medical acts

on prisoners who are restrained (including with

handcuffs). An exception may be considered when the

person concerned suffers from an acute mental illness

which may create an immediate serious risk for him/

herself or others.

• Prison doctors should not carry out any body searches

or examinations requested by an authority, except in

an emergency when no other doctor can be called in

or in cases where there is a lack of other qualified

health staff. In such cases doctors must explain to

the prisoner, before proceeding with the body search,

that they are intervening purely as experts, and that

their act does not have any diagnostic or therapeutic

purpose. Any such body search must have the informed

consent of the prisoner.

• During a hunger strike, doctors must avoid the risk

that prisoners, the prison or the judiciary authorities

manipulate medical decisions.

• Doctors have a duty to document physical signs and/

or mental symptoms compatible with a prisoner

having been subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman

and degrading treatment, and to report through the

appropriate channels any sign or indication that

prisoners may have been treated violently.

• The health service in a prison can potentially play an

important role in the prevention of ill-treatment within

the establishment and elsewhere. The physical and

psychological examinations carried out on admission

are particularly important in this respect.

• All health care staff working with prisoners on an

ongoing basis should have access to a specific training

programme. Training should address the specificities

and inner workings of different types of prison, the

handling of potentially dangerous or violent situations,

and the risks of ethical breaches specific to their

activities as health care providers in prisons.

Introduction

Other chapters of this guide raise important issues relating

to equivalence of care, confidentiality and informed

consent of the patient detainee. This chapter will address

other highly specific and sensitive health problems faced

by health care staff (as well as the prison administration)

in the practice of prison medicine.

Health care staff in prisons

General role of the medical doctor

The role of a prison doctor is not limited to the provision of

care. As already noted, prison doctors should take part in

the general management of a prison establishment (such

as in control of food and hygiene). As far as possible,

a prison doctor should also have a say in the design of

various detention regimes as well as participating in the

promotion of alternatives to detention, while keeping in

mind that the role of the doctor is to promote prisoners’

health and social rehabilitation.

In practical terms, the doctor should submit a report to

the prison director whenever he/she considers that the

physical or mental health of a prisoner or the prison

population is at serious risk as a result of prolonged

imprisonment or of the conditions of detention, including

isolation. Further, the doctor should adopt a proactive

approach when the prisoner’s state of health is seriously

affected and release on medical grounds is required. If

the prison management does not accept the doctor’s

12

Prisons and health

recommendations, the doctor should ensure that his/her

report is submitted to a higher authority (1).

The possible subordination of prison health care to the

ministry of health does not exempt doctors working

in prison from any functions specific to the practice of

medicine in a prison setting.

Multiple loyalties

Doctors working in prisons are frequently torn between

various loyalties. Their primary duty is to protect and

promote the health of prisoners and to ensure that they

receive the best care possible. This duty may, however,

conflict with other priorities, notably those of the

prison management. In practice, the health care team

is frequently obliged, despite its reticence, to take into

account issues of order and security. Conversely, security

staff may find it difficult to accept attitudes, beliefs and

behaviour on the part of the health care staff that they

perceive to conflict with prison rules and regulations (2,3).

Although it is not recommended, the prison doctor

sometimes also acts as a treating doctor for security

staff (and occasionally even for their families). In such

a context, the position of prison doctors is extremely

complex since their duty is to take care of people who are

in opposition to each other, if not in conflict, at the same

time. The two types of doctor’s activity should preferably

be clearly distinguished physically. It should be stipulated

beforehand, for example, what percentage of the doctor’s

time is to be devoted to staff care and that two stocks of

medication (for prisoners and staff) will be kept separately.

Two separate consultation rooms would be best.

This permanent state of tension can only be dealt with

through regular meetings between the prison director and

the medical director to make any necessary adjustments.

The exchanges during such meetings are even more

essential as, in a large proportion of establishments,

the acute lack of health care staff can force the prison

management to delegate certain tasks related to health

care to the security staff.

Regardless of the circumstances, the ultimate goal of

health care staff must remain the welfare and dignity

of the patients. It should be made clear to the patients,

prison staff and the prison director that the primary task of

the prison health care staff is the health care of prisoners,

and that all work is based on the strict medical and ethical

principles of health care professionalism: independence,

equivalence and confidentiality of care.

Parallel and conflicting activities

A doctor working in a prison may be called upon to play

two somewhat opposing roles: that of a care provider

to the prisoner as a patient, and that of an independent

medical expert providing medical evidence concerning a

patient to a court or other official body. While the careprovider

is concerned with the well-being of the individual

patient, the doctor acting as a medical expert is asked

to reveal medical information that would otherwise be

confidential, in the interests of justice and in the service

of the community. The latter role may not be in the doctor’s

patient’s interest. According to common ethical rules, a

doctor should be one or the other. Only in an emergency

is it tolerated for a doctor to combine these two functions

without the formal consent of the patient.

In practice, however, the reality of prison life frequently

obliges doctors to go beyond their role as care providers.

For instance, the judiciary or prison authorities may ask

doctors to establish a person’s fitness to be detained or

to prepare forensic reports in cases of allegations of illtreatment.

Ideally, such tasks should be performed by an

independent doctor from outside the prison system. If,

however, a prison doctor has to perform such a task, the

doctor charged with examining a prisoner as a medical

expert should clearly inform the patient at the outset of

the consultation that medical secrecy will not apply to the

results of the medical examination and tests, to avoid a

confusion of the two roles.

A prison doctor may be asked to evaluate the threat

to society posed by a prisoner in connection with, for

example, a request for parole or leave of absence. In

such situations, the doctor must respond with extreme

caution and clearly establish that his/her opinion can only

be based on a current assessment of physical and mental

function and must not predict future criminal conduct.

Doctors are neither trained nor qualified to predict

criminal behaviour. In such cases, since the prisoner may

see the prison doctor as effectively playing a role in his/

her release or continued detention, this has the potential

to affect the doctor–atient relationship. Thus again,

it is best for an independent opinion to be given by a

professional qualified to make judgments on criminality.

Issues of conscience and serious ethical conflict

The multiple parameters affecting the work of prison

doctors may run contrary to their personal convictions. It is,

therefore, highly preferable to employ prison health care

staff who choose to work in prisons and to provide them

with focused training. In countries where prison health

care services have been integrated with the community

health services, patients inside the prison are considered

as simply another group within the wider community and

the health staff are expected to deliver services at the

same level as in the wider community.

13

Prison-specific ethical and clinical problems

In attempting to carry out their duties according to the

usual professional and ethical standards, doctors may

face conflicts not only with the decisions of the prison

administration but also with local regulations and even

national laws. In such cases, doctors should ask their

national professional organization (national medical

association) for advice and, if needed, ask the opinion

of colleagues working in other countries in the same

field, including seeking the support of the World Medical

Association. Another possibility is to contact the national

prevention organization, if one exists in the country.

Disciplinary measures

In any prison, access to health care facilities may be

difficult because of security practices. This is particularly

the case in disciplinary and maximum security units. The

prison authorities often want to limit contact with certain

prisoners to a strict minimum.

Regardless of the security issues, health care staff should

have unrestricted access at any time and any place to

all prisoners, including those subject to disciplinary

measures. The doctor in charge is responsible for ensuring

that each prisoner can, in practice, exert his/her right of

access to health care at any time.

When the prison authorities decide to punish a prisoner

for breach of regulations, sanctions may take different

forms. Health care staff should never participate in the

initiation or enforcement of any sanctions, as this is not

a medical act and thus to participate will jeopardize any

subsequent doctor–patient relationship with this prisoner

and with all prisoners.

Doctors may frequently be approached when the sanction

considered is solitary confinement. Solitary confinement

has clearly been shown to be detrimental to health (4). In

cases where it is enforced, its use should be limited to the

shortest time possible. Thus, doctors should not collude in

moves to segregate or restrict the movement of prisoners

except on purely medical grounds, and they should not

certify a prisoner as being fit for solitary confinement or

any other form of punishment. Prisoners who are placed

in isolation should be evaluated initially and periodically

for acute mental illness, drug or alcohol withdrawal and

injuries. If these are identified, prisoners should have

access to prompt and effective treatment. Doctors should

not certify fitness for isolation.

Once a sanction is enforced, however, doctors must follow

the prisoner being punished with extreme vigilance. It is

well-established that solitary confinement constitutes an

important stressor and risk, notably of suicide. Doctors

must pay particular attention to such prisoners and

visit them regularly on their own initiative, as soon as

possible after an isolation order has taken effect and

daily thereafter, to assess their physical and mental

state and determine any deterioration in their well-being.

Furthermore, doctors must immediately inform the prison

management if a prisoner presents a health problem.

Physical restraint

In prison, situations of extreme tension can occur. In such

cases, the prison authorities can decide to use physical

restraints on one or more prisoners for the purpose of

preventing self-harm or harm to other prisoners and staff.

Restraints must only be applied for the shortest time

possible to achieve these purposes and should never be

used as a form of punishment. Since the decision to use

restraints in situations of violence is not a medical act, the

doctor must have no role in the process.

There may, however, be instances where some form of

restraint must be applied for medical reasons, such as

acute mental disturbance in which the patient is at high

risk of injuring him/herself or others. The decision to use

restraints or to move a prisoner to a cell for such purposes

must be confirmed in each case by health care staff, based

purely upon clinical criteria.

Medical personnel should never carry out medical acts on

prisoners who are under restraint (including handcuffed),

except for patients suffering from an acute mental illness

or delirium with potential for immediate serious risk for

themselves or others. Moreover, doctors should never

agree to examine a blindfolded prisoner.

Intimate body searches

For security reasons, it may be necessary to search a

prisoner to ensure that he/she is not hiding anything in a

natural body cavity. In many cases it may suffice to keep

the prisoner under close surveillance and wait for the illicit

object to be naturally expelled. Prison doctors and nurses

should not carry out body searches, blood or urine tests

for drug metabolites or any other examinations except

on medical grounds and with the consent of the patient.

Vaginal, anal and other intrusive bodily inspections are

primarily a security rather than a medical procedure, and

thus should not form part of the duties of prison health care

staff. On the rare occasions when intimate body searches

are deemed necessary, they should be performed by doctors

who are, as far as possible, external to the prison.

Prisoners who stop eating or go on hunger

strikes

Differential diagnosis

It is vital to understand why a prisoner stops eating since

the medical care will differ completely depending on the

reason for refusing food. Prisoners may stop eating:

14

Prisons and health

• for religious reasons, as a part of specific religious

festivals or if food is served that is not prepared

in accordance with religious precepts; the prison

administration should deal with such issues and

ensure that religious considerations are taken into

account in the preparation of food for prisoners;

• because of somatic problems such as dental problems,

ulcers, obstructions of the digestive tract, very poor

general health and fever; the appropriate treatment

should be provided;

• because of mental disorders such as psychosis,

poisoning, delusion, major depressive disorders and

anorexia nervosa; such prisoners should benefit from

health care support of the kind they would receive in

open society;

• with the intention of protesting to achieve some

change in their regime or to obtain perceived or actual

rights.

In the last case, two sets of values clash:

• the duty of the state to preserve the physical integrity

and life of those directly under its charge, notably

people it has deprived of liberty; and

• the right of every individual to dispose freely of his/her

own body.

Ethical aspect

Such situations are challenging for prison health care

staff. Pressure is often brought to bear on the doctor, who

should avoid the risk that the prisoner, prison or judiciary

authorities manipulate medical decisions.

The most important guidance for prison doctors regarding

hunger strikes is the World Medical Association’s

Declaration of Malta (5). This Declaration is summarized

below and some important issues are discussed.

• Physicians have the duty to act ethically. Whatever

their role, they must try to prevent coercion or

maltreatment.

• The autonomy of the patient must be respected.

In order to do so, the physician must assess an

individual’s mental capacity. Getting a second opinion

from an independent psychiatrist as to soundness of

mind is always wise in every case of food refusal.

• A thorough examination of the patient should be made

and the physician should make sure that the patient

fully understands the consequences of his/her hunger

strike. It is important to recognize that the refusal of

certain treatments must not prejudice any other aspect

of medical care, such as treatment of infection or pain.

• The wish to continue the strike must be ascertained

on a daily basis, and the physician should talk to the

prisoner concerned in private.

The physician must visit patients regularly and, if they

agree, conduct regular follow-up examinations. These

consultations should be held in a positive, personalized

climate, and the physician should inform the patient of

the progressive decline in his/her health. In this way,

hunger strikers can freely change their mind at any time

and abandon the strike, having been duly informed of

the worsening nature of the risks to which they are

exposing themselves. The doctor must evaluate each

prisoner individually and should be particularly careful

in case of a collective hunger strike, as prisoners are

often subjected to external pressure.

Physicians should offer detainees the possibility to

access a special diet whenever this is possible. It is

widely accepted that liquids, vitamins, sugar and trace

nutrients protect the striker’s health from irreversible

damage (6). By lengthening the time of the fast, it can

allow both the prisoner and the authorities to propose

a mutually acceptable solution in order to avoid lethal

deadlock.

• Confidentiality must be respected, unless it is

necessary to share information in order to prevent a

serious threat to the patient or to others.

• The doctor must keep the prison and judicial authorities

informed of the evolution of the health condition of the

patient through regular and successive health reports.

These carefully established and strictly objective

health reports are part of the medical care for a person

in danger and allow the authorities to take more

adequate decisions.

• If no discussion is possible with the patient (for example

because he/she has already lost mental capacity), the

physician must respect the patient’s wish, but has to

consider very carefully the instructions given by the

patient as the situation might have changed or the

instructions may have been written under pressure. In

case of doubt, the physician must act in the patient’s

best interest.

• In a case of conflict between loyalty to the authorities

and to the patient, the physician’s primary obligation

is to the patient.

• Forcible feeding of prisoners is never ethically

acceptable.

Such a procedure can only be justified if a serious

mental disorder affects the decision-making capacity

of the patient (see Differential diagnosis above). In

such a case, this constitutes artificial nutrition and not

force-feeding, and must be carried out in a hospital

setting.

If there is no obvious alteration in the prisoner’s

decision-making capacity, the doctor must carefully

consider a course of action, keeping in mind that, in

the vast majority of cases, the prisoners do not want

to die. On the contrary, they want to enjoy better

conditions. Patients frequently expect that the doctor,

15

Prison-specific ethical and clinical problems

who will invariably be called in if a hunger strike is

kept up, will act as an intermediary and may act to

protect them in this struggle.

In these situations, the medical approach should

sometimes be frankly paternalistic. It should entail

a discussion with the patients on hunger strike to

try and persuade them to accept at least a minimal

calorie intake. Faced with a firm medical attitude, the

prisoner may recover some hope and accept a normal

healthy diet later. Some patients do not consider

dying as part of their struggle and may even accept

artificial feeding, but will not indicate this explicitly.

The evaluation of the real volition of the detainee in

these situations is very difficult.

Patients may ask for hospitalization to give their

case more weight. In this situation, hospitalization

unwarranted by clinical status should not appear as an

indirect support to achieve their aims. Nevertheless,

early hospitalization may allow better follow-up of

biological parameters. Further, a radical change of

atmosphere could lead to a situation in which the

prisoner may choose to interrupt the hunger strike

without losing face in front of his/her comrades.

• If the patient’s position remains firm, based on his/

her free will to exert pressure through his/her body to

modify his/her prison situation or to conduct a political

struggle, doctors should limit interventions to warning

of the dangers to which strikers expose themselves by

refusing to eat.

Clinical aspects

The capacity of the human body to survive starvation or

water deprivation is not yet fully understood. Obviously,

data in this area tend to be anecdotal rather than

interventional studies.

In dry fasting, the person refuses all solid or fluid intake.

Death occurs in 4 to 10 days, depending on factors such as

ambient temperature and humidity and the striker’s level

of stress and physical activity.

Severe electrolytic imbalance can rapidly cause death

due to cardiac arrhythmia or damage to the central

nervous system. A hypovolemic state causes multiorgan

dysfunction and acute renal insufficiency, worsening an

electrolytic imbalance (7,8).

In total fasting, the individual only consumes clear water,

with no other intake of nutrients.

Clinical evolution of a hunger strike

The usual clinical evolution of a hunger strike in a healthy,

young patient who continues to drink water is as follows:

• first week: sensation of hunger and fatigue; possible

occasional abdominal cramping;

• second and third weeks: increasing weakness

accompanied by dizziness, making the upright position

difficult to maintain; progressive disappearance of the

feelings of hunger and thirst; permanent sensation of

chilliness;

• third and fourth weeks: progressive worsening of

the symptoms mentioned above; slowing down of

intellectual faculties;

• fifth week: alteration of consciousness from mild

confusion to stupor and sleepiness, apathy and

anosognosia, followed by anomalies of ocular

movements (initially uncontrollable movements

followed by paralysis); generalized lack of motor

coordination with notable difficulty in swallowing;

diminished vision and hearing, leading to loss of vision

and hearing; sometimes diffuse haemorrhaging.

Death can occur abruptly either due to cardiac rhythm

alterations, sepsis or several hours after the induction of

a comatose state due to hypoglycaemia (11).

In theory, the reserves of the human body should allow

a person to survive for 75–80 days without absorbing a

single calorie.

In practice, it is usually accepted that there is little risk of

dying within the first six weeks of a fast for a previously

well-nourished and healthy person (9). Nevertheless,

serious, sometimes deadly, clinical disorders may appear

after a few weeks of complete fasting, mainly because

of susceptibility to infection due to decreased immunity

and impaired wound healing. As with dry fasting, renal

insufficiency also often causes complications (10).

It should be noted that death is not usually due to tissue

loss per se but to organ failure or infection. The limit of a

body mass index compatible with life itself is thus not the

only parameter that should be taken into account.

It is vital to recognize that certain medical factors can

predispose to the rapidly fatal evolution of a fast. The

major factors include heart disease, renal insufficiency and

diabetes, especially if the patient is insulin-dependent.

Gastric or duodenal ulcers can manifest as problems as

early as one week after the start of the fast.

Today most hunger-strikers follow dietary fasts with the

absorption of certain vitamins, trace minerals and some

food (sweet drinks, candy or small amounts of various

foods). This type of hunger strike allows them to hold on

for several months. Prisoners going on a fast should have

access to this diet because the risk of permanent damage

16

Prisons and health

to the nervous system is significantly reduced. However,

a prolonged hunger strike poses a substantial risk of

permanent damage to the nervous system (12) (such as

Wernicke syndrome), and it should be emphasized that

glucose intake without vitamin B1 accelerates the process

of neurological damage.

In practice, because many different factors affect a fast, such

as the type of fast, conditions of detention (temperature,

humidity) and mental stressors, it is virtually impossible to

determine medically the risk and timing of death.

Re-feeding

The major electrolytes and vitamin depletion in people

suffering from malnutrition cause serious threats when

it comes to re-feeding. Indeed, glycaemia triggers

insulin secretion, which in turns starts the movement of

electrolytes and fluids across cellular membranes (mainly

of phosphates and potassium). These very rapid changes

can lead to lethal consequences, such as cardiac arrest.

As mentioned above, glucose intake in a case of vitamin

depletion can also precipitate Wernicke syndrome. In

consequence, re-feeding should be considered very

carefully in people at risk, that is, those who have had no

food intake for more than 10 days (5 days if the body mass

index is under 18.5 kg/m2) or with laboratory low levels of

phosphate and potassium (13).

Torture and inhumane or degrading

treatment

Medical personnel seriously violate the rules of medical

ethics if they:

• in any way assist in (even by merely being present)

sessions of torture or inhumane and degrading

treatment or advise the torturers or those inflicting

such treatment;

• provide facilities, instruments or substances to that

effect;

• certify that a prisoner is able to withstand a torture or

inhumane treatment session; or

• weaken the resistance of the victim to torture or

inhumane treatment.

The health service in a prison can, however, potentially

play a very important role in the fight against ill-treatment

within prisons and elsewhere, specifically police stations.

In the context of medical consultations, people sometimes

show physical signs or mental symptoms compatible with

having been subjected to torture or other forms of cruel,

inhumane or degrading treatment.

In view of this, the physical and mental examinations

carried out on admission of a prisoner are particularly

important.

During a physical examination (most specifically, the one

carried out on arrival), any trace of violence compatible

with torture or inhumane treatment must be duly noted

and registered (photos are desirable) both in the prisoner’s

personal file and in any general register of traumatic

injuries. Likewise, any psychological or psychiatric

disturbances that may indicate that a person has been

subjected to ill-treatment must be recorded. Such

information must be automatically transmitted without

delay to the supervising authorities. Prisoners should be

entitled to obtain a copy of the medical report concerning

them at any time.

However, the simple fact of being identified by the health

care services as bearing traces of traumatic lesions or

mental symptoms compatible with torture or inhumane

treatment can trigger reprisal measures against the

victim. To protect patients from this risk of retaliation,

doctors must formally inform them that they are going to

report to the competent authority the evidence they have

gathered during the consultation. If the patients fear that

they will be subjected to reprisal, they may decide not to

divulge how the lesions were inflicted and even lie about

them.

In their reports, doctors must clearly distinguish between

the patient’s allegations (circumstances of the physical or

mental trauma as described by the patient) and complaints

(subjective sensations experienced by the patient), and

the clinical and para-clinical objective findings (such

as mental state; size, location, aspect of the lesions;

X-rays and laboratory results). If the doctors’ training

and/or experience allow, they must indicate whether

the patients’ allegations are compatible with their own

clinical findings.

Capital punishment and executed prisoners as

sources of organs

Health professionals should never be complicit in any

way (even by their presence) with capital punishment,

and should not be involved in examining the detainee

immediately before the execution nor in confirming death

or issuing the death certificate. The donation of organs

after an execution associates the medical profession with

the execution and should, therefore, be prohibited (14).

References

1. Linder JF, Meyers FJ. Palliative care for prison inmates:

“don’t let me die in prison”. Journal of the American

Medical Association, 2007, 298(8):894–901.

2. Augestad LB, Levander S. Personality, health and job

stress among employees in a Norwegian penitentiary

and in a maximum-security hospital. Work & Stress,

1992 6:65–79.

17

Prison-specific ethical and clinical problems

3. Whitehead J, Lindquist C. Correctional officer job

burnout. A path model. Journal of Research in Crime

and Delinquency, 1986, 23:23–42.

4. Metzner JL, Fellner J. Solitary confinement and mental

illness in U.S. prisons: a challenge for medical ethics.

Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and

the Law, 2012, 38(1):104–108.

5. Declaration on Hunger Strikers adopted by the 43rd

World Medical Assembly, Malta, November 1991 and

revised by the World Medical Association General

Assembly, Pilanesberg, South Africa, October 2006.

Ferney-Voltaire, World Medical Association, 2013

(http://www.wma.net/en/30publications/10policies/

h31/, accessed 7 November 2013).

6. Kirbas D et al. The impact of prolonged hunger

strike: clinical and laboratory aspects of twenty-five

hunger strikers. Ideggyogyaszati Szemle [Clinical

Neuroscience], 2008, 61(9–10):317–324.

7. Chaari A et al. [Acute renal failure and rhabdomyolysis

secondary to prolonged hunger strike. A case report].

La Revue de medecine interne, 2009, 30(10):914–916.

8. van der Helm-van Mil AH et al. Hypernatremia from

a hunger strike as a cause of osmotic myelinolysis.

Neurology, 2005, 64(3):574–575.

9. Guidelines for the clinical management of people

refusing food in immigration removal centres and

prisons. London, Department of Health, 2009.

10. Gorsane I et al. [Acute renal failure in a prisoner after

hunger strike]. La Tunisie Medicale, 2007, 85(3):234–236.

11. Altun G et al. Deaths due to hunger strike: postmortem

findings. Forensic Science International, 2004,

146(1):35–38.

12. Başoğlu M et al. Neurological complications of

prolonged hunger strike. European Journal of

Neurology, 2006, 10:1089–1097.

13. Mehanna HM, Moledina J, Travis J. Refeeding

syndrome: what it is, and how to prevent and treat it.

British Medical Journal, 2008, 336(7659):1495–1498.

14. Caplan A. The use of prisoners as sources of organs

– an ethically dubious practice. American Journal of

Bioethics, 2011, 10:1–5.

Further reading

Antonovsky A. Health, stress and coping: new perspectives

on mental and physical well-being. San Francisco, Jossey-

Bass, 1979.

Bogemann H. Gesundheitsforderung in totalen

Institutionen. Oldenburg, BIS-Verlag (Schriftenreihe

“Gesundheitsforderung im Justizvollzug”, Band 10), 2004.

Coyle A. A human rights approach to prison management:

handbook for prison staff. London, International Centre for

Prison Studies, 2002.

Declaration of Tokyo: Guidelines for Medical Doctors

Concerning Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or

Degrading Treatment or Punishment in Relation to

Detention and Imprisonment. Ferney-Voltaire, World

Medical Association, 2013 (http://www.wma.net/

en/30publications/10policies/c18/, accessed 8 November

2013).

European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. 3rd

general report on the CPT’s activities covering the period

1 January to 31 December 1992. Strasbourg, Council of

Europe, 1993 (CPT/Inf (93) 12) (http://www.cpt.coe.int/

en/annual/rep-03.htm, accessed 7 November 2013).

European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. 11th

general report on the CPT’s activities covering the period

1 January to 31 December 2000. Strasbourg, Council of

Europe, 2001 (CPT/Inf (2001) 16) (http://www.cpt.coe.int/

en/annual/rep-11.htm, accessed 7 November 2013).

European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. 21st

general report on the CPT’s activities covering the period

1 January to 31 December 2011. Strasbourg, Council of

Europe, 2011 (CPT/Inf (2011) 28) (http://www.cpt.coe.int/

en/annual/rep-21.pdf, accessed 8 November 2013).

European Health Committee. The organisation of health

care services in prisons in European Member States.

Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 1998.

Gerstein L, Topp H, Correl G. The role of the environment

and person when predicting burnout among correctional

personnel. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 1987, 14:352–

369.

Goffman E. Asylums. Essays on the social situation of

mental patients and other inmates. Harmondsworth,

Penguin, 1961.

Guidelines for the clinical management of people

refusing food in immigration removal centres and

prisons. London, Department of Health, 2009 (http://

www.globallawyersandphysicians.org/storage/UK%20

Protocol.pdf, accessed 8 November 2011).

Health professionals with dual obligations. In: Istanbul

Protocol. Manual on the effective investigation and

documentation of torture and other cruel, inhuman or

degrading treatment or punishment. Geneva, Office of the

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 1999

(Professional Training Series No. 8/Rev.1) (http://www.

18

Prisons and health

ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/training8Rev1en.pdf,

accessed 8 November 2013).

Madrid Declaration on Ethical Standards for Psychiatric

Practice. Chene-Bourg, World Psychiatric Association, 1996

(http://www.rewi.uni-jena.de/rewimedia/Downloads/

LS_Ruffert/Ethical+Codes/WPA_Madrid+Declaration

+on+Ethical+Standards+for+Psychiatric+Practice.pdf,

accessed 8 November 2013).

Mental health promotion in prisons: a consensus

statement. In: Mental health promotion in prisons: report

on a WHO meeting, The Hague, Netherlands, 18–21

November 1998. Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for

Europe, 1999 (http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/

pdf_file/0007/99016/E64328.pdf, accessed 8 November

2013).

Penal Reform International. Making standards work:

an international handbook on good prison practice. The

Hague, Penal Reform International, 1995.

Pont J. Ethics in research involving prisoners. International

Journal of Prison Health, 2008, 4(4):184–197.

Principles of medical ethics relevant to the role of health

personnel, particularly physicians, in the protection of

prisoners and detainees against torture and other cruel,

inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. New

York, United Nations, 1982 (http://www.ohchr.org/

EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/MedicalEthics.aspx,

accessed 7 November 2013).

Recommendation No. R (2006) 2 of the Committee of

Ministers to member states on the European Prison Rules.

Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 2006 (https://wcd.coe.int/

ViewDoc.jsp?id=955747, accessed 7 November 2013).

The Madrid Recommendation: health protection in prisons

as an essential part of public health. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2010 (http://www.euro.who.

int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0012/111360/E93574.pdf,

accessed 8 November 2013).

Trencin statement on prisons and mental health.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2007 (http://

www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/99006/

E91402.pdf, accessed 8 November 2013).

Wakai S et al. Conducting research in corrections:

challenges and solutions. Behavioral Sciences & the Law,

2009, 27(5):743–752.

Women’s health in prison. Correcting gender inequity in

prison health. Kyiv Declaration on Women’s Health in

Prison. Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe,

2009 (http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/

0004/76513/E92347.pdf, accessed 8 November 2013).

Wool R, Pont J. Prison health. A guide for health care

practitioners in prisons. London, Quay Books, 2006.

19

4. Violence, sexual abuse and torture in prisons

Jens Modvig

Key points

• Violence in prisons is often clandestine because of the

fear of reprisal when it is reported.

• Because violence is not brought into the open, it is

easily overlooked or underestimated.

• Authorities are obliged to protect prisoners against

violence, which must not constitute an additional

punishment on top of deprivation of liberty.

• Violence begets violence, so prison violence inhibits

rehabilitation for normal life.

• Violence occurs mostly in high-security facilities and

prisons with coercive practices, even though the

security measures have been established to minimize

the violence.

• A key performance indicator for the prevention of

violence is that prisoners feel safe and secure.

• About 25% of prisoners are victimized by violence

each year while 4–5% experience sexual violence and

1–2% are raped.

• Prevention may focus on the prisoners by identifying

groups with special needs who are at risk of being

victimized.

• Prevention may focus on creating a positive prison

climate to encourage respect, humanity and fairness.

Introduction

Prisons are violent places compared to the community.

United States government statistics demonstrate that

rates of physical assault for male inmates are more than

18 times higher than the equivalent rates for males in

the general population. For female inmates, the rates are

more than 27 times higher (1).

Violence in prisons is and should be a prison management

and prison health service priority issue for several reasons.

First, violence begets violence, that is, exposure to violence

during adolescence increases the risk of later violent and

non-violent crime, drug use and intimate violence against

or from a partner (2). Thus, the rehabilitation or corrective

dimension of imprisonment is undermined if prisoners are

placed in an environment that makes them more violent

and more criminal than before.

Second, in international law, prisoners are entitled to

protection against violence such as assault, rape and

torture. According to principle 5 of the United Nations

Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners: “Except

for those limitations that are demonstrably necessitated

by the fact of incarceration, all prisoners shall retain the

human rights and fundamental freedoms set out in the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights …” (3).

Thus, state authorities have an obligation to ensure

that prisoners enjoy protection against all human rights

violations.

Third, a violent institution is more difficult and expensive to

manage than a secure and safe institution with a positive

climate, including a positive working environment.

Violence is difficult to address and assess precisely

because it is surrounded by silence and, therefore,

often underreported. Violence is – except for a justified

proportionate use of force by staff – illegal and punishable.

For this reason, reporting of violence committed by

prisoners or by staff may lead to reprisals and retaliation

(“snitches get stitches”). While this may also be the

case in the world outside the prison, the deprivation

of liberty means that a victim who reports the violence

has no possibility of escape from the retaliation by the

perpetrator. A study found that 25% of respondents who

had not reported their most recent experiences of assault

said that they did not believe that reporting victimization

would make a difference. An additional 20% did not

report an assault because they feared retaliation (4).

Comparisons of official violence and disorder statistics

with unofficial statistics indeed reveal that the official

statistics underestimate the problems (5).

Definitions of violence in prison

WHO has defined violence as “The intentional use of physical

force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself,

another person, or against a group or community, that either

results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death,

psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation” (6).

It is noteworthy that the definition includes threats such as

the potential use of force, and that the defining outcome

is not only injury or death but also psychological harm,

maldevelopment and deprivation.

Violence may further be categorized as self-directed,

interpersonal or collective when directed towards:

(i) oneself; (ii) one’s family, intimate partner or unrelated

person; and (iii) specifically defined groups for reasons of

20

Prisons and health

a social, political or economic agenda. Organized groups

or states may perpetrate collective violence. The nature

of the violence may be physical, psychological, sexual or

deprivation/neglect (7).

In a prison context, the prison authorities have a general

obligation to protect inmates against any type of violence,

including excessive use of force. This chapter will address

how prison authorities, including prison health services,

may address the issue of violence.

Except for a proportionate use of force required for

security procedures (which is outside the scope of this

chapter), the many types of violence that may occur in

prisons include:

• suicides, suicide attempts and self-harm;

• physical violence (beatings, fights) among prisoners;

• psychological violence such as threats, bullying or

humiliation;

• sexual assaults of prisoners by other prisoners or by

prison staff;

• excessive violence committed by prison staff towards

prisoners amounting to torture or ill-treatment;

• violence by prisoners against prison staff, from single

events to prison riots.

Suicide attempts and self-harm are outside the scope

of this chapter. The following discussion will deal with

violence more generally between prisoners, between

prisoners and staff, sexual violence, torture and illtreatment.

The occurrence of the violence and underlying

risk factors will be addressed and the final section will

discuss the prevention of prison violence, both among

inmates and perpetrated by prison staff.

On a technical note, the measures of violence used in the

studies reviewed include the proportion of all prisoners

exposed to violence, whether victimized once or several

times (sometimes called the prevalence rate). This

measure reflects the proportion of all prisoners surveyed

as to their exposure to violence in the period of interest.

This might be their lifetime prevalence or those who were

exposed during a current or recent period of incarceration,

for example, in the previous 6 or 12 months.

The studies of violence in prisons do not have uniform

measures of frequency, although United States studies

tend to focus on the most recent six months. In some

studies, the reference period is not explicit. The

differences between the estimates may be rather small,

especially if the average period in prison was between 6

and 12 months, exposed prisoners were typically exposed

more than once, and the prisoner had been in prison only

once or twice before.

Violence in prisons

Prisoner-on-prisoner

A recent study found a six-month male prevalence rate

of 205 per 1000 for prisoner-on-prisoner physical violence

and 246 per 1000 for staff-on-inmate physical violence (1).

In other words, 20% of the prisoners had been subjected

to physical violence by other prisoners and 25% to

violence by prison staff during the preceding six months.

For females, the prisoner-on-prisoner rate was the same

whereas the staff-on-prisoner rate was 8%, that is, male

prisoners experience more staff-on-inmate violence than

female prisoners do.

Small to medium-sized facilities had higher prevalence

rates of inmate-on-inmate physical violence, whereas

medium-sized and large facilities had higher staff-oninmate

rates of physical violence. For comparison, the sixmonth

sexual violence victimization rates for both sexes

were 42 per 1000 for any sexual victimization and 15 for

non-consensual sexual acts (8).

Fairly consistent with the American study, a recent

Australian study reported that 34% of the male inmates and

24% of the female inmates reported having been physically

assaulted at any time during their imprisonment, and 7% of

both genders had been threatened with sexual assault (9).

Juveniles seem to be involved in prison misconduct and

violence more frequently than slightly older prisoners and

even more than adults (10).

Prisoner-on-staff

Obviously, violence in prisons makes prisons a violent

workplace for the staff. A study of direct, injury-producing

violence using workers’ compensation claims in a random

sample of 807 correctional officers in an urban prison

revealed that 25.9% reported one episode and 20.3%

reported two or more violent episodes during an average

length of employment of approximately 10 years (11).

Thus, at least half of the prison staff suffered injury due

to violence during a 10-year employment period. The

main risk factors for male employees being exposed to

workplace violence were long-term substance-abuse,

whereas female employees seem to have a violencereducing

effect on the inmate population.

Kratcoski (12) found that more than 70% of the violence

against staff occurred in the detention/high security

areas, during the day shift, predominantly directed

towards trainees with little experience and committed by

young inmates aged 25 years or less.

Sexual violence in prisons

Sexual violence is particularly difficult to study and assess

21

Violence, sexual abuse and torture in prisons

because of the stigma associated with being raped or

abused and also because of the risk of reprisals from the

perpetrator. Sexual violence may be defined as behaviour

that leads a person to feel that he/she is the target of

aggressive intentions (13). This may also include sexual

pressure. In a recent study, sexual victimization was

viewed more narrowly as non-consensual sexual acts with

oral, vaginal or anal penetration as well as abusive sexual

contacts (touching or grabbing in a sexually threatening

manner or touching genitals) (14).

Estimates of sexual assault victimization have varied

between 1% and 41%, depending on what was included.

The annual rate in United States prisons seems to converge

at about 5% or less (14). A thorough review and metaanalysis

of studies of prison rape proper concluded that

1.9% of inmates have experienced a completed episode

of sexual victimization during their entire period(s) of

incarceration (15).

Recently, Wolff & Shi (14) found that 4% of male inmates

and 22% of female inmates reported that they had been

subject to prisoner-on-prisoner sexual victimization

(most often abusive sexual contact such as inappropriate

touching) during the previous six months. At least one type

of staff-on-prisoner sexual victimization was reported by

7% of male inmates and 8% of female inmates. Nonconsensual

prisoner-on-prisoner sexual acts amounted

to less than 2% over six months, while staff-on-prisoner

non-consensual sexual acts were less than 1.1%.

In 2007, the United States Department of Justice

conducted a national inmate survey of 60 500 prisoners

using an audio computer-assisted self-interview. The

survey showed that 2.1% of the prisoners reported

inmate-on-inmate victimization and 2.9% reported staffon-

inmate victimization. Of the latter, about half was

reported as unwilling activity (16).

A study in a juvenile correctional centre in South Africa,

comprising interviews with 439 offenders, revealed that

29% said that they had been assaulted, attacked or

physically hurt while in the facility. Of these, 68% had

been beaten, pushed, stamped on or the like, 21% had

been stabbed and 7% had been assaulted sexually (4).

Of a random sample of current prisoners in California,

4% had experienced sexual violence (rape, other sexual

assault) and 59% of transgender prisoners reported that

they had been the victim of such experiences (17,18). A

British study found, by interviewing ex-prisoners, that 1%

of prisoners had been sexually coerced involving sexual

intimacy and 4% had been subjected to forced drug

searches.

Sexual coercion in United States female facilities

showed rates almost as high as male rates: up to 27%

of female prisoners had experienced sexual coercion at

some point in any prison in the state. Of these, about

25% (7/27) resulted in rape (19), that is, a prison-life rate

of 7–8%.

Sexual victimization during imprisonment is experienced

by between 1% and 40% of the inmates, while physical

victimization is experienced by between 10% and 25%

of the inmates (20). However, the resulting estimates

obviously depend on the investigation methodology,

including the sample and the phrasing of the question

posed to the interviewees. Wolff and colleagues found

that when they used the same questions, 0.2% of women

in a community sample reported being raped (attempted

or completed) during a 12-month period compared to 4.6%

of women during a 6-month period in prison. The rates

of physical assault on men were 0.9% in a community

sample over a 12-month period and 32.9% in prison during

a 6-month period (19).

Wolff & Shi (14) included in their survey questions about

the emotional consequences of their worst incidents of

sexual victimization. The majority of the targets reported at

least one consequence – most frequently feeling distrust,

nervousness, social apprehension, and worry about

recurrence and depression. Also, sexual victimization

within the previous six months was associated with

feeling unsafe. Lockwood (13) reports that a victim of a

prison sexual assault finds it difficult to reintegrate into

society and tends to become more violent. Many prisoners

worry about their sexual identity.

Torture and ill-treatment

Torture is a subgroup of collective violence, defined

specifically by the severity of the pain, the intentionality,

the purpose and the perpetrator. In the United Nations

Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman

or Degrading Treatment (21), torture is defined as:

(i) severe pain or suffering, physical or mental; (ii) inflicted

intentionally; (iii) with a specific purpose such as to obtain

a confession or to punish; and (iv) by a person acting in a

public capacity. In contrast, cruel, inhuman or degrading

treatment (also called ill-treatment) may involve less but

still substantial pain or suffering and not necessarily be

committed for a specific purpose.

Torture is prohibited according to international law, and

there are no circumstances that justify an exception to

this prohibition. Nevertheless, according to human rights

reports, torture is practised in about 130 countries and is

widespread and systematically used in 80–100 countries

(22).

22

Prisons and health

Hostilities facilitate torture, for example, between the

warring parties in an armed conflict or between religious,

sexual or political majorities and minorities. Such

hostility may develop into de-individualization and dehumanization.

Torture may be interpreted as socialized

obedience in an environment where the perpetrators see

themselves as performing a great service by punishing a

group that they perceive deserves ill-treatment (23). For

this reason, minorities (of a sexual, political or religious

nature) are at increased risk of being victims of torture

and may be in need of stronger protection measures.

Pre-trial detainees are at special risk of torture because

their investigation is ongoing. Obtaining a coerced

confession may be viewed as attractive by law enforcement

authorities. In addition to coercing a confession by use of

torture or other types of excessive use of force, isolation

is particularly sensitive for pre-trial detainees. The mental

health impact of isolation is well documented (24); the use

of solitary confinement on an accused pre-trial detainee

may cause suffering and pressure to force confession to

a crime that the detainee might not have committed or

admitted.

In some torture settings, the signs of torture may serve a

political purpose as a show-case, to scare the opposition

or dissidents from being politically active. Here, methods

leaving physical marks (unsystematic and systematic

beatings, electrical torture, cuts and amputations) indeed

serve their purpose. In other settings, the regime pretends

to comply with human rights and applies torture methods

which leave no marks so that international missions do

not detect them. Torture that leaves no visible marks

can include psychological torture, such as deprivation,

induced desperation, threats, sexual humiliation or

desecration (25). Humiliation through strip-searching is a

routine practice in many countries (26).

Documentation of torture, both the torture methods

used and the medical documentation of the health

consequences of torture, is best made according to

an internationally recognized standard procedure: the

Istanbul Protocol (27). Documentation of torture in places

of detention often takes place in connection with national

or international external monitoring mechanisms.

Torture leaves severe marks on the body and mind. A

recent review of 181 studies demonstrates that posttraumatic

stress disorder and depression are frequent

consequences of torture and related trauma (28).

The main approach to the prevention of torture is

the independent monitoring of prisons. Monitoring

mechanisms, which represent the outside world looking

at what goes on behind bars, can contribute to prevention

through making recommendations to the authorities and/

or by making the findings known to the public.

National monitoring mechanisms include:

• prison inspectorate/police inspectorate;

• parliamentary committees;

• lay monitoring committees;

• national preventive mechanisms established or

appointed according to the Optional Protocol to the

United Nations Convention against Torture – often an

ombudsman or national human rights institutes;

• national nongovernmental organizations.

International mechanisms include:

• the United Nations Sub-Committee for the Prevention

of Torture;

• the United Nations Special Rapporteur for Torture;

• the International Committee for the Red Cross;

• the Council of Europe Committee for the Prevention

of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or

Punishment;

• international nongovernmental human rights organizations.

Many intergovernmental monitoring bodies operate with a

mandate based on confidentiality, and publication of their

findings may only take place if the host state party agrees.

Thus documentation of the occurrence of torture rarely

originates publicly from these bodies, but rather from

national and international nongovernmental organizations

(such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch)

in their country or annual reports.

Prevention of violence in prisons

To address the prevention of violence, the starting point

is in the explanation of models of violence. To understand

prison violence, there are two main schools of thought (29).

The importation model emphasizes that prisoners bring

their violence-prone behaviour to the institutions through

their histories, personal attributes and links to criminal

groups, for example. This model would direct prevention

efforts toward addressing the individual prisoners’

proneness to violence through initiatives such as anger

management programmes.

The deprivation model holds that the prison environment

and loss of freedom cause psychological trauma so that,

for self-preservation, prisoners create an oppositional

prison subculture promoting violence. This model would

direct prevention efforts towards the environmental

factors and general prison climate, which need to be

addressed by prison management.

23

Violence, sexual abuse and torture in prisons

Recent literature has predominantly focused on the details

of prison organization, interactions between people and

situational factors of considerable significance for prison

violence.

Risk factors associated with prisoners

Individual risk factors for committing violence range from

potential violence to assaults with serious injuries. Youth

and short sentences are associated with higher levels of

violent misconduct, while older age, drug convictions and

a higher educational attainment indicate reduced violent

misconduct (30). Using injury registries (violence- and

accident-related), Sung (31) found that a history of violent

offences, violent victimization and psychiatric treatment

were associated with increased risk of injuries. Work

assignments reduced violence-related risks but increased

the possibility of accident-related risks.

Wolff, Blitz & Shi (32) studied sexual victimization in

prison for inmates with and without mental disorders, and

found that the rates were approximately 2.5 times higher

for inmates with a mental disorder and three times higher

among female inmates compared to males.

Other special needs groups are likely to be at risk of

victimization, such as inmates suffering from chronic

diseases, minorities (ethnic, sexual, religious) and inmates

with substance abuse. Also the rising population of older

prisoners is victimized to a large degree (33). Considering

the health problems and functional deficits prevailing

among older prisoners, it is likely that such victimization

has a considerable impact on their quality of life and

feelings of safety and security.

Situational risk factors

Studies have found a greater risk of violent incidents in

higher-security facilities (34). This might be expected

because high-security facilities host more violenceprone

prisoners. However, it might also be expected that

security measures serve to manage the risk of violence

and thereby prevent it. An explanation put forward by

Gadon and colleagues is that increased surveillance

creates greater levels of violence through a self-fulfilling

prophecy.

There is also evidence that mixing the ages of prisoners

may be associated with lower levels of violence than

those found among groups of younger prisoners.

A study including 371 American prisons revealed that

poor prison management is associated with assaults on

both prisoners and staff (35). The management variables

included the guard–inmate ratio, guard turnover rate,

ratio of white–black correctional staff, involvement in

educational, vocational or industrial programmes and size

of institution. Violence between inmates and violence

against staff are correlated because staff are often injured

during attempts to break up fights between inmates (12).

Most violent episodes occur at the weekends, which could

be a consequence of the lack of vocational and educational

activities during the weekends (34). Crowding is assumed

to be a risk factor for violence, but the evidence for this is

not convincing (34).

In conclusion, risk factors for violence in prison settings

involve factors related to the level of security, mix

of prisoners, staff experience, days of the week and

management approaches and relationships between

different staff groups (34).

It is also a plausible assumption that fights among

inmates are often triggered by disagreements about

underground economy issues such as money, drugs,

weapons and mobile phones. Copes et al (36) studied the

phenomenon in survey data from 208 recently released

inmates in a midwestern state (United States) and

concluded that participation in the prison economy (being

in debt, borrowing money and having too little money to

buy goods) is predictive of victimization through violence:

Although the picture is complex, and some inconsistent

findings have emerged, generally the literature supports the

notion that the more coercive the prison environment the

greater potential for violence. This is especially so where

prison management and treatment of prisoners are perceived

by prisoners as unfair or illegitimate, as this strengthens

prisoner solidarity in opposition to the authorities (29).

The joint efforts of ombudsmen, prison inspectorates

and independent monitoring bodies have not managed

to change the culture of casual cruelty in prisons (37).

Inspection standards developed in a monitoring context

may, however, serve as standards for further quality

assurance. One example is the healthy prison concept

developed by Her Majesty’s Prison Inspectorate in the

United Kingdom (37), testing whether prisoners are:

• held in safety

• treated with respect for their human rights

• offered purposeful activity

• prepared for re-settlement into the community.

Recently, performance indicators have emerged as a

way of measuring institutional development. In terms of

violence prevention, an example of a key performance

indicator may be the proportion (say, 90%) of prisoners who

felt safe the first night in prison and generally thereafter.

Measuring the status of this indicator empirically (through

24

Prisons and health

surveys) and comparing actual performance to the target

performance will provide an indication of the need for

further measures.

On a more holistic note, the concept of the moral

performance of prisons has been developed by Liebling

(38) to identify the important qualities of a prison from the

point of view of inmates. This is a conceptual framework

that is related to the overall social climate and respect

for prisoners in general, and to the occurrence of violence

and abuses specifically. The overall values included in this

concept are:

• respect

• humanity

• staff–prisoner relationships

• trust

• support

• power/authority

• social relations

• fairness

• order

• safety

• well-being

• personal development

• family contact

• decency

• meaning

• quality of life.

A tool has been developed (Measuring Quality of Prison

Life) to measure the compliance of prisons with this

conceptual framework. This tool has been included in

the routine assessments made by Her Majesty’s Prison

Inspectorate in the United Kingdom.

The role of the prison health services

While the prison management, including security

measures and prison climate, has been identified above as

the key factor in preventing violence, the health services

have the potential to make an important contribution

to the prevention of violence. Access to health care is

associated with the prison climate: a positive prison

climate facilitates interactions between correctional and

health care staff and prisoners, while in negative climates

correctional staff act as a filter or barrier between inmates

and the health services (39).

Registration and documentation of violence

When violence leads to injuries or to psychological

consequences, the prison health service is frequently

involved in attending to the victims. In delicate cases (cases

of sexual violence, torture, or staff-on-prisoner violence),

the health services may be involved under a false pretext,

such as accidents, fights between prisoners or “falls”. They

may even be pressured to make a false report on the causes

of the injury. However, it is important to develop a precise

health information registry of the causes and circumstances

of the injury, that is, violence between prisoners or between

staff and prisoner. With an injury registry in place, the

injury data can provide indispensable information on how

to prevent violence through the examination of such factors

as the place, time and day, circumstances, persons involved

and the nature of the violence.

Of particular importance for the prevention of violence is

the initial medical examination carried out on arrival in the

institution (40). This examination should focus on, inter

alia, identification of indications (report, signs, symptoms)

of violence or even torture experienced prior to arrival at

the institution. A careful record should be made of such

signs and symptoms and made available to the prisoner

for potential subsequent complaint or legal remedy.

In addition to the health information registry of episodes of

violence for internal consumption and quality development,

the health services need to have a reporting mechanism

to independent authorities, such as the ministry of health

or an independent human rights body, to ensure that the

delicate and punishable cases of violence, torture or

sexual abuse may be evaluated neutrally, according to

international standards such as the Istanbul Protocol.

The integrity of the health services, that is, the ability

to operate professionally independent of the prison

management, is at stake here, as is the technical capacity

to document sensitive cases of violence, torture and

sexual abuse for future documentation and legal remedy.

Protecting special needs groups

As mentioned above, many special needs groups (ethnic,

sexual and religious minorities, minors) are at increased

risk of being victimized by violence, sexual abuse and

even torture. This also applies to prisoners with mental

health disorders.

The initial medical examination may serve to identify

prisoners with such special needs at an early stage. This

allows the prison health service – with the consent of

the prisoners – to put forward recommendations for their

protection, often through meeting the special needs that

apply to each group.

References

1. Wolff N, Blitz CL, Shi J. Rates of sexual victimization in

prison for inmates with and without mental disorders.

Psychiatric Services, 2007, 58(8):1087.

2. Fagan AA. The relationship between adolescent

physical abuse and criminal offending: support for an

25

Violence, sexual abuse and torture in prisons

enduring and generalized cycle of violence. Journal of

Family Violence, 2005, 20(5):279–290.

3. Basic principles for the treatment of prisoners. New

York, United Nations, 1990 (http://www.ohchr.org/

EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/BasicPrinciplesTreat

mentOfPrisoners.aspx, accessed 7 November 2013).

4. Gear S. Fear, violence and sexual violence in a Gauteng

juvenile correctional centre for males. Johannesburg,

Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation,

2007 (Briefing Report No 2).

5. Byrne JM, Hummer D. Myths and realities of prison

violence: a review of the evidence. Victims &

Offenders, 2007, 2(1):77–90.

6. Global Consultation on Violence and Health. Violence:

a public health priority. Geneva, World Health

Organization, 1996 (WHO/EHA/SPI.POA.2).

7. Krug EG et al., eds. World report on violence and

health. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2002.

8. Wolff N, Shi J, Blitz CL. Racial and ethnic disparities

in types and sources of victimization inside prison. The

Prison Journal, 2008, 88:451.

9. Schneider K et al. Psychological distress and experience

of sexual and physical assault among Australian

prisoners. Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health,

2011, 21(5):333.

10. Kuanliang A, Sorensen JR, Cunningham MD. Juvenile

inmates in an adult prison system: rates of disciplinary

misconduct and violence. Criminal Justice and Behavior,

2008, 35:1186.

11. Safran DA, Tartaglini AJ. Workplace violence in an

urban jail setting. In: VandenBos GR, Bulatao EQ, eds.

Violence on the job. Identifying risks and developing

solutions. Washington, DC, American Psychological

Association, 1996.

12. Kratcoski PC. The implications of research explaining

prison violence and disruption. Federal Probation, 1988,

52(1):27–32.

13. Lockwood D. Prison sexual violence. New York, NY,

Elsevier, 1980.

14. Wolff N, Shi J. Patterns of victimization and feelings

of safety inside prison: the experience of male and

female inmates. Crime & Delinquency, 2011, 57:29.

15. Gaes GG, Goldberg AL. Prison rape: a critical review of

the literature. Washington, DC, National Institute of

Justice, 2004.

16. Beck AJ, Harrison PM. Sexual victimization in state and

federal prisons reported by inmates, 2007. Washington,

DC, U.S. Department of Justice, 2007 (Report No. NCJ

219414).

17. Jenness V et al. Violence in California correctional

facilities: an empirical examination of sexual assault.

Irvine, CA, University of California, Center for Evidence-

Based Corrections, 2007.

18. Banbury S. Coercive sexual behaviour in British

prisons as reported by adult ex-prisoners. The Howard

Journal, 2004, 43(2):113–130.

19. Struckman-Johnson C, Struckman-Johnson D. Sexual

coercion reported by women in three midwestern

prisons. The Journal of Sex Research, 2002, 39(3):217–

227.

20. Wolff N, Shi J, Bachman R. Measuring victimization

inside prisons: questioning the questions. Journal of

Interpersonal Violence, 2008, 23:1343.

21. Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel,

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.

Adopted by the General Assembly of the United

Nations on 10 December 1984. New York, NY, United

Nations, 1987 (Treaty Series. Vol. 1465) (http://

treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%20

1465/volume-1465-I-24841-English.pdf, accessed 9

November 2013).

22. Modvig J, Jaranson J. A global perspective of torture,

political violence, and health. In: Wilson JP, Drozdek B,

eds. Broken spirits: the treatment of PTSD in asylum

seekers and refugees with PTSD. New York, NY,

Brunner-Routledge Press, 2004.

23. Fiske ST, Harris LT, Cuddy AJC. Why ordinary people

torture enemy prisoners. Science, 2004, 306:1482–

1483.

24. Andersen HS et al. A longitudinal study of prisoners on

remand: repeated measures of psychopathology in the

initial phase of solitary versus nonsolitary confinement.

International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 2003,

26(2):165–177.

25. Ojeda AE. What is psychological torture? In: Ojeda

AE, ed. The trauma of psychological torture. Santa

Barbara, CA, Praeger, 2008.

26. McCulloch J, George A. Naked power. Strip searching

in womens’ prisons. In: Scraton P, McCulloch J,

eds. The violence of incarceration. New York, NY,

Routledge, 2009.

27. Istanbul Protocol. Manual on the effective investigation

and documentation of torture and other cruel, inhuman

or degrading treatment or punishment. Geneva, Office

of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human

Rights, 1999 (Professional Training Series No. 8/Rev.1)

(http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/

training8Rev1en.pdf, accessed 8 November 2013).

28. Steel Z et al. Association of torture and other potentially

traumatic events with mental health outcomes among

populations exposed to mass conflict and displacement.

A systematic review and meta-analysis. Journal of the

American Medical Association, 2009, 302(5):537.

29. Homel R, Thomson C. Causes and prevention of

violence in prisons. In: O’Toole S, Eyland S, eds.

Corrections criminology. Sydney, NSW, Hawkins

Press, 2005.

26

Prisons and health

30. Cunningham MD, Sorensen JR. Actuarial models

for assessing prison violence risk: revisions and

extensions of the risk assessment scale for prison

(RASP). Assessment, 2006, 13:253.

31. Sung H-E. Prevalence and risk factors of violencerelated

and accident-related injuries among state

prisoners. Journal of Correctional Health Care, 2010,

16(3):178–187.

32. Wolff N, Blitz CL, Shi J. Physical violence inside

prisons: rates of victimization. Criminal Justice and

Behavior, 2007, 34:588.

33. Old behind bars. The aging prison population in the

United States. New York, NY, Human Rights Watch,

2012 (http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/

usprisons0112webwcover_0.pdf, accessed 9 November

2013).

34. Gadon L, Johnstone L, Cooke D. Situational variables

and institutional violence: a systematic review of the

literature. Clinical Psychology Review, 2006, 26:515–

534.

35. McGorkle RC, Miethe TD, Drass KA. The roots of prison

violence: a test of the deprivation, management and

“not-so-total” institution models. Crime & Delinquency,

1995, 41(3):317–331.

36. Copes H et al. Participation in the prison economy

and likelihood of physical victimization. Victims &

Offenders, 2010, 6(1):1–18.

37. Medlicott D. Preventing torture and casual cruelty in

prisons through independent monitoring. In: Scraton P,

McCulloch J, eds. The violence of incarceration. New

York, NY, Routledge, 2009.

38. Liebling A. Identifying, measuring and establishing

the significance of prison moral climates. Cambridge,

Downing College, 2011 (http://www.cepprobation.

org/uploaded_files/Pres%20STARR%20Cam%2010%

20Liebling.pdf, accessed 9 November 2013).

39. Ross MW, Liebling A, Tait S. The relationships of prison

climate to health service in correctional environments:

inmate health care measurement, satisfaction and

access in prisons. The Howard Journal of Criminal

Justice, 2011, 50(3):262–274.

40. Committee for the Prevention of Torture. CPT standards.

Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 2010 (CPT/Inf/E (2002)

1 – Rev. 2010) (http://www.cpt.coe.int/en/documents/

eng-standards.pdf, accessed 9 November 2013).

Further reading

Scraton P, McCulloch J, eds. The violence of incarceration.

New York, NY, Routledge, 2009.

27

5. Solitary confinement as a prison health issue

Sharon Shalev

Key points

• Solitary confinement is used in prison systems across

the world.

• Research demonstrates that solitary confinement has

a negative impact on the health and well-being of

those subjected to it, especially for a prolonged time.

• Those with pre-existing mental illness are particularly

vulnerable to the effects of solitary confinement.

• Solitary confinement can affect rehabilitation efforts

and former prisoners’ chances of successful reintegration

into society following their release.

• International human rights law requires that the use

of solitary confinement must be kept to a minimum

and reserved for the few cases where it is absolutely

necessary, and that it should be used for as short a

time as possible.

Introduction

WHO defines health as a “state of complete physical,

mental and social wellbeing, not merely the absence

of disease or infirmity”, affirming that health, as

defined, is a fundamental human right (1). Solitary

confinement negatively affects all these aspects of

health. It is an extreme form of confinement whose

deleterious physical, mental and social health

effects have long been observed and documented

by practitioners and researchers alike. Yet solitary

confinement is a common and universal feature of

prison systems worldwide, used throughout the

various stages of the criminal justice process and for a

variety of reasons including punishment, containment

and protection. This chapter offers a brief overview

of the practice, with a particular focus on key issues

relevant to prison health care staff.

What is solitary confinement?

The term “solitary confinement” refers to the physical

and social isolation of an individual in a single cell

for 22.5 to 24 hours a day, with the remaining time

typically spent exercising in a barren yard or cage (2–4).2

Different jurisdictions may use other terms to describe

what is essentially a regime of solitary confinement as

defined above, including segregation, isolation, closed

confinement, 23/7 regime, cellular confinement and

super-maximum security (supermax).3

The deprivation of human contact inherent in solitary

confinement is usually accompanied by additional

restrictions and controls applied to the prisoner. The exact

nature of these will of course vary from one jurisdiction

to another. But in most, isolated prisoners will have very

limited, if any, access to educational, vocational and

recreational activities, all conducted in isolation from

others. The number and type of personal belongings

allowed in prisoners’ small, sometimes windowless cells

are highly restricted and closely regulated. Their cells

and few belongings are closely monitored and regularly

searched. Inside their cells, prisoners are monitored

either by closed circuit television or directly by guards.

Family visits, where allowed at all, may be held through

a glass barrier, preventing any physical contact between

the prisoner and others. On the few occasions prisoners

leave their cells, they are typically escorted by a minimum

of two guards and restrained with handcuffs and in some

cases placed in additional body restraints, such as legirons

and body-belts. Prior to being returned to their cells,

they will be body-searched and, in some jurisdictions,

subject to a full body-cavity search.

In short, isolated prisoners would typically spend a

minimum of 22.5 hours a day locked up alone in a small

cell with few personal belongings and little to do.

They are routinely subjected to body searches and the

application of physical restraints, as well as limits on their

communication with the outside world. This regime can

last for months or years, and can be of an indeterminate

duration.

How does solitary confinement affect

health and well-being?4

The physical conditions in solitary cells range from

reasonably sized cells with windows and natural light,

self-contained with a toilet and a shower screened-off

from the rest of the cell to protect the prisoner’s privacy,

to small, windowless, filthy cells where prisoners have

to use a bucket to relieve themselves. Similarly, in some

2 The requirement to provide prisoners with a minimum of one hour of fresh air and exercise daily is enshrined in international law as well as in national laws in

many jurisdictions.

3 This should be distinguished from isolation (or seclusion) for medical purposes, which is not discussed here.

4 This section is adapted from Chapter 2 of the Sourcebook on solitary confinement (3).

28

Prisons and health

prisons, isolated prisoners may have access to books,

television and a radio inside their cells, whereas in others

prisoners may only be allowed a copy of a religious text, if

any books at all. Finally, the degree and quality of human

contact prisoners enjoy varies greatly, from no human

contact other than with silent prison staff who deliver

food and medication to the prisoner inside his cell, to

regular contact with family, lawyers, religious personnel

and so on.

Three main factors are inherent in all solitary confinement

regimes: social isolation, reduced activity and

environmental input, and loss of autonomy and control

over almost all aspects of daily life. Each of these factors

is potentially distressing. Together they create a potent

and toxic mix, the effects of which were well summarized

as early as 1861 by the Chief Medical Officer at the

Fremantle Convict Establishment in Western Australia:

In a medical point of view I think there can be no question

but that separate or solitary confinement acts injuriously,

from first to last, on the health and constitution of anybody

subjected to it ... the symptoms of its pernicious constitutional

influence being consecutively pallor, depression, debility,

infirmity of intellect, and bodily decay (5).

The rich body of literature that has accumulated since

that time on the effects on health of solitary confinement

largely echoes these observations and includes anxiety,

depression, anger, cognitive disturbances, perceptual

distortions, paranoia and psychosis among other

symptoms resulting from solitary confinement. Levels of

self-harm and suicide, which are already much higher

among prisoners than in the general population (6), rise

even further in segregation units (3,7).

The effects on health of solitary confinement include

physiological signs and symptoms, such as:

Psychological symptoms occur in the following areas and

range from acute to chronic:

• anxiety, ranging from feelings of tension to full-blown

panic attacks:

− persistent low level of stress;

− irritability or anxiety;

− fear of impending death;

− panic attacks;

• depression, varying from low mood to clinical depression:

− emotional flatness/blunting;

− emotional liability (mood swings);

− hopelessness;

− social withdrawal, loss of initiation of activity or

ideas, apathy, lethargy;

− major depression;

• anger, ranging from irritability to rage:

− irritability and hostility;

− poor impulse control;

− outbursts of physical and verbal violence against

others, self and objects;

− unprovoked anger, sometimes manifesting as rage;

• cognitive disturbances, ranging from lack of

concentration to confused states:

− short attention span;

− poor concentration;

− poor memory;

− confused thought processes, disorientation;

• perceptual distortions, ranging from hypersensitivity

to hallucinations:

− hypersensitivity to noises and smells;

− distortions in time and space;

− depersonalization, detachment from reality;

− hallucinations affecting all five senses (for example,

hallucinations of objects or people appearing in the

cell, or hearing voices);

• paranoia and psychosis, ranging from obsessional

thoughts to full-blown psychosis:

− recurrent and persistent thoughts (ruminations)

often of a violent and vengeful character (for

example, directed against prison staff);

− paranoid ideas, often persecutory;

− psychotic episodes or states: psychotic depression,

schizophrenia;

• self-harm and suicide.

How individuals will react to the experience of being

isolated from the company of others depends on personal,

environmental and institutional factors, including their

individual histories, the conditions in which they are held,

the regime provisions which they can access, the degree

and form of human contact they can enjoy and the context

of their confinement. Research has also shown that both

the duration of solitary confinement and uncertainty as to

the length of time the individual can expect to spend in

solitary confinement promote a sense of helplessness and

increase hostility and aggression (3). These are important

determinants of the extent of adverse health effects

experienced.

• gastro-intestinal and

genito-urinary problems

• diaphoresis

• insomnia

• deterioration of

eyesight

• lethargy, weakness,

profound fatigue

• feeling cold

• heart palpitations

• migraine headaches

• back and other joint

pains

• poor appetite, weight

loss, diarrhoea

• tremulousness

• aggravation of

pre-existing medical

problems.

29

Solitary confinement as a prison health issue

The adverse effects of solitary confinement will thus vary,

depending on the pre-morbid adjustment of the individual

and the context, length and conditions of confinement.

The experience of previous trauma will render the person

more vulnerable, as will the involuntary nature of his/her

solitary confinement and confinement that persists over

a sustained period of time. Initial acute reactions may be

followed by chronic symptoms if the regime of solitary

confinement persists.

There is, however, and regardless of these variables and

with a few notable exceptions,5 a general consensus

among health practitioners and researchers that solitary

confinement adversely affects health and well-being

and prisoners’ chances of successful reintegration into

society.6 Indeed, observations on the effects of solitary

confinement are so consistent that Harvard psychiatrist

Stuart Grassian, a long-time researcher of and

commentator on solitary confinement, contends that the

constellation of these effects forms a unique syndrome,

which he terms the “isolation syndrome”:

… while this syndrome is strikingly atypical for the

functional psychiatric illnesses, it is quite characteristic of

an acute organic brain syndrome: delirium, characterized

by a decreased level of alertness, EEG abnormalities

... perceptual and cognitive disturbances, fearfulness,

paranoia, and agitation; and random, impulsive and selfdestructive

behaviour … (13).

Particularly vulnerable groups

While the effects of solitary confinement vary from one

individual to another and depend on the factors listed

above, some individuals are particularly vulnerable to

the negative effects of isolation, including those with

pre-existing mental and learning disabilities, children

and young people and detainees held on remand. These

categories are briefly examined below.

Prisoners with mental problems

People who suffer mental problems are grossly

overrepresented in prisons in general, and in

segregation units in particular (7,14). Such individuals

may be segregated for their own protection because

they are victimized by other prisoners, or they may end

up in isolation because they misunderstand the rules

and regulations that govern prison life. They may also

behave in ways that, in the context of high-security

confinement, are interpreted as violations of rules rather

than a manifestation of their mental problems. Where

prisoners’ progression through the system depends on

their behaviour and perceived adherence to prison rules,

this can “turn a minor incident into a serious situation”

(15) and lead to a vicious cycle which results in a

prolonged stay in isolation, where these very conditions

make them worse and less able to abide by the rules

and regulations. Furthermore, placement in isolation, as

noted earlier, also limits prisoners’ access to privileges,

programmes and work release assignments and affects

their chance of early parole (15).

Experts largely agree that individuals with pre-existing mental

illness are at a particularly high risk of worsening psychiatric

problems as a result of their isolation (for example, Grassian

(13); Haney (16); Kupers (17); Reid (18)). This is increasingly

being recognized by the courts on both sides of the Atlantic.

In a case involving the placement of a prisoner with known

mental health problems in punitive isolation for 45 days and

his subsequent suicide, for example, the European Court on

Human Rights reiterated that:

… the vulnerability of mentally ill persons calls for special

protection. This applies all the more where a prisoner

suffering from severe disturbance is placed, as in [this] case,

in solitary confinement or a punishment cell for a prolonged

period, which will inevitably have an impact on his mental

state, and where he has actually attempted to commit

suicide shortly beforehand (19).

In a class action lawsuit involving the Security Housing

Unit at Pelican Bay, California, federal judge Thelton

Henderson observed that conditions there may well “hover

on the edge of what is humanly tolerable for those with

normal resilience, particularly when endured for extended

periods of time” (20). But for some, the conditions of

prolonged isolation at the Unit were not tolerable. These

prisoners included, according to the court:

The already mentally ill, as well as persons with borderline

personality disorders, brain damage or mental retardation,

impulse-ridden personalities, or a history of prior psychiatric

problems or chronic depression. For these inmates, placing

them in the SHU is the mental equivalent of putting an

asthmatic in a place with little air to breathe (18).

The particularly devastating effects that solitary

confinement has on the mentally ill were more recently

also recognized by the American Psychiatric Association,

5 Most recently, these include O’Keefe et al. (8), who found that: “segregated offenders were elevated on multiple psychological and cognitive measures when

compared to normative adult samples. However, elevations were present among the comparison groups too, suggesting that high degrees of psychological

disturbances are not unique to the [administrative segregation] environment”. The study also found that mentally ill prisoners were more aggravated by their

experiences of isolation than prisoners who were not (diagnosed as) mentally ill, but this was true whether they were in segregation or the general population. The

study and its methodology were the subject of much criticism, including by Cassela (9) and Grassian (10), among others (11).

6 For full referencing and review of the literature, see Shalev (3) and Scharff Smith (12).

30

Prisons and health

which stated that: “Prolonged segregation of adult inmates

with serious mental illness, with rare exceptions, should be

avoided due to the potential for harm to such inmates” (21).

Children and young adults

Children and young adults are still developing physically,

mentally and socially. This makes them particularly

vulnerable to the negative effects of solitary confinement

which, as psychologist Craig Haney put it, is the

equivalent of placing them in a deep-freeze. Furthermore,

the prevalence of mental illness among young people in

prison is even higher than among adult prisoners, with as

many as 95% having at least one mental health problem

and 80% having more than one (6). In this context, it is

important to note that young people in prisons are 18

times more likely to commit suicide than their counterparts

in the community (6). In 2012, a task force appointed by

the United States Attorney General to report on children

exposed to violence noted the following:

Nowhere is the damaging impact of incarceration on

vulnerable children more obvious than when it involves

solitary confinement .... Juveniles experience symptoms

of paranoia, anxiety, and depression even after very short

periods of isolation. Confined youth who spend extended

periods isolated are among the most likely to attempt or

actually commit suicide. One national study found that among

the suicides in juvenile facilities, half of the victims were in

isolation at the time they took their own lives, and 62 percent

of victims had a history of solitary confinement (22).

The practice of isolating young people, both in juvenile

facilities and in adult prisons, either for their own

protection or as punishment is nonetheless common. In

Texas, for example, a 2012 survey found that “the majority

of jails held juveniles in solitary confinement for 6 months

to more than a year” (22).7 An inquiry into the use of

physical restraint and solitary confinement of children in

England and Wales found that solitary confinement was

widely used in institutions for young offenders: during an

18-month period, for example, 519 children were placed in

solitary confinement in 6 such institutions (23).

Such practices and the particular vulnerability of

young people have led international bodies as well as

professional associations to call for a prohibition on the

use of solitary confinement for juveniles. Rule 67 of the

United Nations Rules for the Protection of Juveniles

Deprived of their Liberty (24) specifically lists solitary

confinement among a list of prohibited treatments:

All disciplinary measures constituting cruel, inhuman or

degrading treatment shall be strictly prohibited, including

corporal punishment, placement in a dark cell, closed or solitary

confinement or any other punishment that may compromise

the physical or mental health of the juvenile concerned. The

reduction of diet and the restriction or denial of contact with

family members should be prohibited for any purpose.

The Istanbul Statement (2), the United Nations Special

Rapporteur on Torture (4) and the Essex Expert Group (25),

among others, all call for a complete ban on the use of

solitary confinement with juveniles and young people. The

American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry

has stated that where solitary confinement is used, the

young person should be evaluated by a mental health

professional within 24 hours (26).

Pre-trial detainees

Detainees held on remand are another particularly

vulnerable group, and research shows that their

vulnerability is made worse in solitary confinement. In

England and Wales, one study found that 54% of prison

suicides took place among detainees held on remand,

and that around half of these occurred within one month

of being taken into custody (27). Another study, of

detainees held on remand in Denmark, found that where

detainees were isolated for four weeks, “the probability

of being admitted to hospital for a psychiatric reason

was about 20 times as high as for a person remanded

in non-solitary confinement for the same period of time”

(28,29). A more recent longitudinal study commissioned

by the Swedish Prisons and Probation Service to

examine the health effects of restricted detention among

those held on remand (including solitary confinement)

found that such detention poses a “significant risk of

mental illness” (30) even when other factors (previous

psychiatric contact, substance abuse, gender, parenting)

are controlled for. One in four of those detained with

restrictions suffered mental illness, compared to one

in five of those held without restrictions. A qualitative

study carried out in parallel to the main study found that

three factors are particularly harmful to mental wellbeing

and behaviour in prison: passivity, uncertainty and

feelings of impotence. These factors, which are present

to some degree in any form of confinement, are of course

magnified in isolation.

In sum, the literature shows that solitary confinement is

damaging across the board, with young people, detainees

held on remand and people with learning difficulties and

mental illness being particularly vulnerable to the damaging

7 In the United States, a jail is a city or county prison.

31

Solitary confinement as a prison health issue

effects of solitary confinement. The key negative health

effects of solitary confinement are listed above.

Long-term effects

While some of the adverse health effects of solitary

confinement will subside on its termination, others

may persist. The lasting effects of solitary confinement

are perhaps most evident in social settings and with

interpersonal relationships:

Although many of the acute symptoms suffered by

inmates are likely to subside upon termination of solitary

confinement, many – including some who did not become

overtly psychiatrically ill during their confinement in solitary

– will likely suffer permanent harm as a result of such

confinement. This harm is most commonly manifested by a

continued intolerance of social interaction, a handicap which

often prevents the inmate from successfully readjusting

to the broader social environment of general population in

prison and … often severely impairs the inmate’s capacity

to reintegrate into the broader society upon release from

imprisonment (13).

The transition from life in solitary confinement to coexistence

with others, whether in general prisons or in

free society, can be sharp and unsettling. Some of the very

survival skills adopted in reaction to the pains of isolation,

such as withdrawal and going mute, render the individual

dysfunctional upon release. Some become so dependent

on the structure and routines of the prison for controlling

their behaviour that they find it difficult to function

without them. This problem of becoming institutionalized

is experienced by many prisoners on their release, but it

takes on a much more acute form when the transition is

from years of social isolation (31). Unable to regain the

necessary social skills to lead a functioning social life,

some of those held in solitary confinement in prison may

continue to live in relative social isolation after their

release. In this sense, solitary confinement operates

against one of the main purposes of the prison, which is

to rehabilitate offenders and facilitate their reintegration

into society.

When and why is solitary confinement

used in contemporary penal systems?

Each state has its own peculiarities but in most, solitary

confinement is used throughout the different stages of

the criminal process: pre-charge, pre-trial and following

conviction. The principle of isolation is common to all these

uses, but each entails slightly different arrangements and

has a different rationale and different official goals.

Solitary confinement can be used:

• when a suspect is being questioned before being

charged, to prevent collusion between suspects; it

is also an interrogation technique, particularly for

people suspected of committing acts against state

security;

• when a suspect has been charged and is awaiting

trial; the purpose of isolating detainees held on

remand is to prevent collusion and to prevent them

from intimidating potential witnesses;

during the trial and immediately after it in a penal

institution while the newly arrived prisoner is being

risk assessed.

Solitary confinement also has several roles or purposes

during imprisonment. It can be used:

• as a short term-punishment for prisoners who break

prison rules;

• to prevent escape;

• for the prisoners’ own protection to prevent them from

harming themselves or being harmed by others;

• as a prison management tool for the safe management

of difficult and challenging prisoners, and for the

management of prisoners belonging to certain groups

(such as prison gang members);

• where capital punishment is still practised; death row

prisoners are typically held in solitary confinement,

and where the death penalty has been abolished it is

often substituted with a sentence of life in conditions

of solitary confinement, on the basis that prisoners

sentenced to death have nothing to lose and may

therefore commit serious crimes inside prison or

indeed attempt to escape;

• increasingly, with immigration detainees (32,33);

• while awaiting transfer to another prison or to a

hospital, disciplinary or classification hearing, or a

bed; these are temporary measures, but in some cases

the prisoner may be isolated for many weeks and

sometimes months;

de facto; staff shortages, convenience or as group

punishment can mean that prisoners are confined to

their cells for an entire day or for several days at a

time in what is commonly known as lockdown.

As Hayes (14) notes, all these protocols could be

considered hidden forms of isolation.

Whatever the reason for placing a detainee or prisoner

in solitary confinement, its use in any one case must be

proportionate and reasonable and the decision taken by

the competent lawful authority. The prisoner must be

informed, in writing, of the reasons for his/her placement

in solitary confinement, its expected duration and the

appeal process. A record of the decision must be kept

on file, and it must be substantively reviewed at regular

intervals by a body different to that which took the initial

decision (3,25,34).

32

Prisons and health

How do international law and human rights

bodies view solitary confinement?

The severity of solitary confinement and its potentially

devastating effects on the health and well-being of those

subjected to it are recognized under international law,

where the practice occupies a special place. The United

Nations has gone as far as calling for its abolition as

punishment (35). Rule 60.5 of the European Prison Rules

states: “Solitary confinement shall be imposed as a

punishment only in exceptional cases and for a specified

period of time, which shall be as short as possible” (36).

The courts and international monitoring bodies also pay

particular attention to the practice and, in the light of its

severity, have asserted that it is a practice which in some

circumstances constitutes a form of torture, inhuman

or degrading treatment (see, for example, the United

Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture (4,37); the CPT

(34); and European Court of Human Rights cases including

Ramirez Sanchez v. France [2006] (38) and Razvyazkin v.

Russia [2012] (39)).

As far back as 1978, the former European Commission of

Human Rights stated the following:

Complete sensory isolation coupled with complete social

isolation can no doubt ultimately destroy the personality;

thus it constitutes a form of inhuman treatment which

cannot be justified by the requirements of security, the

prohibition on torture and inhuman treatment contained in

Article 3 being absolute in character (40).

This position has since been affirmed and reaffirmed by

the European Court in numerous cases: see, for example,

Ramirez Sanchez, v. France [2006] (38), Ocalan v. Turkey

[2005] (41) and Babar Ahmad and Others v. the United

Kingdom (42). More recently, in a case involving the

isolation for more than three years of a prisoner labelled

as a persistent rule-breaker, the court reiterated that:

“... solitary confinement without appropriate mental and

physical stimulation is likely, in the long term, to have

damaging effects, resulting in deterioration of mental

faculties and social abilities” (39).

To fall under the scope of Article 3, the prisoner’s treatment

must cause suffering which exceeds the unavoidable

level inherent in detention (Onoufriou v. Cyprus [2010]

(43)), depending on the court’s assessment of all the

circumstances of the case, such as the duration of the

treatment, its physical and mental effects and, in some

cases, the state of health of the victim (Kudł v. Poland

[2000] (44); Peers v. Greece [2001] (45)). The purpose of

such treatment will be taken into account, in particular

the question of whether it was intended to humiliate or

debase the victim, but the absence of any such purpose

does not necessarily mean that Article 3 has not been

violated (45).

While solitary confinement has always been viewed

by international human rights law and bodies as an

undesirable, if legitimate, prison practice, it is only in

the last few years that a more concentrated and targeted

campaign against its use especially for prolonged

periods, has begun. In 2007, a group of international

experts adopted the Istanbul Statement on the Use and

Effects of Solitary Confinement, calling on states to

limit the use of solitary confinement to very exceptional

cases, for as short a time as possible, and only as a

last resort (2). In 2008, the then United Nations Special

Rapporteur on Torture, Manfred Nowak, endorsed these

recommendations and added that: “Regardless of the

specific circumstances of its use, effort is required to raise

the level of social contacts for prisoners: prisoner-prison

staff contact, allowing access to social activities with

other prisoners, allowing more visits and providing access

to mental health services” (35).

In August 2011, the then new United Nations Special

Rapporteur on Torture, Juan Mendez, focused his periodic

report to the United Nations General Assembly on the

practice of solitary confinement, stating that it is a “harsh

measure which may cause serious psychological and

physiological adverse effects on individuals” and which

can violate the international prohibition against torture

and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment (4). Importantly,

the Special Rapporteur called for the absolute prohibition

of prolonged solitary confinement, which he defined as a

period in excess of 15 days. Soon thereafter, in November

2011, the CPT also focused its annual report on solitary

confinement, stating that it is a practice which “can have

an extremely damaging effect on the mental, somatic and

social health of those concerned. This damaging effect

can be immediate and increases the longer the measure

lasts and the more indeterminate it is” (34). The CPT called

on states to reduce the use of solitary confinement to an

absolute minimum and ensure that its use in any given

case meets what the CPT has termed the PLANN test: it

must be proportionate, lawful, accountable, necessary

and non-discriminatory (34).

Conclusion

Solitary confinement is a prison practice whose harmful

effects on health and well-being are well documented. The

extent of psychological damage varies and will depend on

individual factors (such as personal background and preexisting

health problems), environmental factors (physical

conditions and provisions), regime (time out of cell, degree

of human contact), context of the isolation (punishment,

33

Solitary confinement as a prison health issue

own protection, voluntary/non-voluntary, political/

criminal) and its duration. Notwithstanding variations in

individual tolerance and environmental and contextual

factors, there is remarkable consistency in research

findings on the health effects of solitary confinement

dating back to the 19th century. These have demonstrated

negative health effects, in particular psychological but

also physiological.

The best way to avoid such damage to health and wellbeing

is not to isolate prisoners. Where this is absolutely

necessary, it should only be done as a last resort and for as

short a time as possible. The decision to place a prisoner in

solitary confinement must always be made by a competent

body, transparently and in accordance with due process

requirements, and be subject to regular, independent and

substantive review. The prisoner must be kept in decent

physical conditions and have regular access to fresh air

and exercise. Educational, recreational and vocational

programmes must be provided to prisoners, ideally in

association with others, and prisoners should be allowed

to keep books, magazines, hobbies and craft materials

in their cells. They must be afforded regular, meaningful

human contact, ideally also with people from outside

the prison, but prison staff should also be encouraged to

communicate informally with prisoners who are held in

solitary confinement. Finally, isolated prisoners should be

allowed, and encouraged, to maintain contact with their

friends and family, through open (contact) visits, letters

and telephone communications. Crucially, prisoners must

always be treated with respect for their inherent dignity

as human beings.

References

1. Declaration of Alma-Ata. Copenhagen, WHO Regional

Office for Europe, 1978 (http://www.euro.who.

int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/113877/E93944.pdf,

accessed 10 November 2013).

2. The Istanbul Statement on the Use and Effects of

Solitary Confinement. Adopted on 9 December 2007

at the International Psychological Trauma Symposium,

Istanbul (http://www.solitaryconfinement.org/istanbul,

accessed 10 November 2013).

3. Shalev S. A sourcebook on solitary confinement. London,

Mannheim Centre for Criminology, London School of

Economics, 2008 (http://www.solitaryconfinement.org/

sourcebook, accessed 10 November 2013).

4. United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture. Interim

report to the Human Rights Council on torture and

other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or

punishment. New York, NY, United Nations, August

2011 (DOC A/66/268).

5. Attfield GC. Surgeon at the Convict Establishment

Fremantle. Letter to AE Kennedy, Governor of Western

Australia, 30 April 186. In: House of Commons

Parliamentary Papers Online [website] (http://parli

papers.chadwyck.com/marketing/guide.jsp, accessed

22 April 2014).

6. Prisons and health: data and statistics [web site].

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2013

(http://www.euro.who.int/en/what-we-do/healthtopics/

health-determinants/prisons-and-health/factsand-

figures, accessed 13 January 2013).

7. Fazel S et al. Prison suicides in 12 countries: an ecological

study of 861 suicides during 2003–2007. Social

Psychiatry Psychiatric Epidemiology, 2011, 46:191–195.

8. O’Keefe ML et al. One year longitudinal study of the

psychological effects of administrative segregation.

Colorado Springs, CO, Colorado Department of

Corrections, 2010.

9. Casella J. ACLU and experts slam findings of Colorado

DOC report on solitary confinement. Solitary Watch, 4

December 2010 (http://solitarywatch.com/ 2010/12/04/

aclu-and-experts-slam-findings-of-colorado-doc-reporton-

solitary-confinement/, accessed 10 November 2013).

10. Grassian S. Fatal flaws in the Colorado solitary

confinement study. Solitary Watch, 15 November 2010

(http://solitarywatch.com/2010/11/15/fatal-flaws-inthe-

colorado-solitary-confinement-study/, accessed

10 November 2013).

11. Responses to One Year Longitudinal Study. Corrections

& Mental Health Review, June 2011 (http://community.

nicic.gov/blogs/mentalhealth/archive/2011/06/21/oneyear-

longitudinal-study-of-the-psychological-effectsof-

administrative-segregation-introduction.aspx,

accessed 10 November 2013).

12. Scharff Smith P. The effects of solitary confinement

on prison inmates. A brief history and review of the

literature. Crime and Justice, 2006, 34:441–528.

13. Grassian S. Psychiatric effects of solitary confinement.

Journal of Law and Policy, 2006, 22:325–383 (http://

law.wustl.edu/Journal/22/p325Grassian.pdf, accessed

11 February 2014).

14. Hayes LM. Juvenile suicide in confinement: a national

survey. Washington, DC, US Department of Justice,

Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention,

2004 (http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/

206354.pdf, accessed 13 January 2013).

15. Hills H, Siegfried C, Ickowitz A. Effective prison mental

health services: guidelines to expand and improve

treatment. Washington, DC, US Department of

Justice, National Institute of Corrections, May 2004.

16. Haney C. Mental health issues in long-term solitary

and ‘supermax’ confinement. Crime & Delinquency,

2003, 49(1):124–156.

17. Kupers T. Prison madness: the mental health crisis

behind bars and what we must do about it. San

Francisco, CA, Jossey-Bass, 1999.

34

Prisons and health

18. Reid WH. Offenders with special needs. Journal of

Psychiatric Practice, 2000, 6(5):280–283.

19. Renolde v France (application No. 5608/05). Strasbourg,

European Court of Human Rights, 2008 (http://hudoc.

echr.coe.int/sites/eng/pages/search.aspx?i=001-88972

#{“itemid”:[“001-88972”]}, accessed 13 November 2013).

20. The Civil Rights Litigation Clearing House. Madrid

v Gomez [web site]. Ann Arbor, MI, University of

Michigan, 1995 (http://www.clearinghouse.net/detail.

php?id=588, accessed 13 November 2013).

21. Position statement on the segregation of prisoners

with mental illness. Dallas, TX, American Psychiatric

Association, 2012 (http://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/

MH/Documents/2013_04_AC_06c_APA_ps2012_Priz

Seg.pdf, accessed 10 November 2013).

22. Report of the Attorney General’s National Task Force

on Children Exposed to Violence. Washington, DC,

US Department of Justice, December 2012 (http://

www.justice.gov/defendingchildhood/cev-rpt-full.pdf,

accessed 10 November 2013).

23. Lord Carlile of Berriew QC. An independent inquiry into the

use of physical restraint, solitary confinement, and forcible

strip searching of children in prisons, secure training

centres and local authority secure children’s homes.

London, The Howard League for Penal Reform, 2006.

24. United Nations Rules for the Protection of Juveniles

Deprived of their Liberty. New York, NY, United Nations,

1990 (A/RES/45/113) (http://www.un.org/documents/

ga/res/45/a45r113.htm, accessed 10 November 2013).

25. University of Essex and Penal Reform International.

Summary of an Expert Meeting at the University of

Essex on the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment

of Prisoners Review. Vienna, United Nations Office on

Drugs and Crime, 2012 (UNODC/CCPCJ/EG.6/2012/

NGO/1) (http://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-andprison-

reform/EGM-Uploads/NGO-1_PRI-ESSEXUNI.

pdf, accessed 10 November 2013).

26. Solitary Confinement of Juvenile Offenders.

Washington, DC, American Academy of Child &

Adolescent Psychiatry, 2012 (http://www.aacap.org/

cs/root/policy_statements/solitary_confinement_of_

juvenile_offenders, accessed 10 November 2013).

27. Liebling A. Prison suicide and its prevention. In:

Jewkes Y, ed. Handbook on prisons. Cullompton,

Willan, 2007.

28. Sestfot DM et al. Impact of solitary confinement on

hospitalisation among Danish prisoners in custody.

International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 1998,

21(1):99–108.

29. Andersen HS et al. A longitudinal study of prisoners

on remand: repeated measures of psychopathology

in the initial phase of solitary versus non-solitary

confinement. International Journal of Law and

Psychiatry, 2003, 26:165–177.

30. Holmgren B, Frisell T, Runeson B. Psykisk halsa hos

haktade med restriktioner [Mental health of detainees

with restrictions]. Norrkoping, Swedish Prison and

Probation Service, 2011.

31. Shalev S. Supermax: controlling risk through solitary

confinement. Cullompton, Willan Publishing, 2009.

32. Invisible in isolation: the use of segregation and solitary

confinement in immigration detention. Chicago, IL,

Heartland Alliance National Immigrant Justice Center

and Physicians for Human Rights, 2012 (https://

s3.amazonaws.com/PHR_Reports/Invisible-in-Isolation-

Sep2012-detention.pdf, accessed 10 November 2013).

33. Immigration detention: penal regime or step

towards deportation? About respecting human rights

in immigration detention. The Hague, National

Ombudsman of the Netherlands, 2012 (Report No.

2012/105) (http://www.nationaleombudsman.nl/sites/

default/files/report_2012105_immigration_detention.

pdf, accessed 10 November 2013).

34. 21st general report of the European Committee for

the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading

Treatment or Punishment (CPT). Strasbourg, Council

of Europe, 2011 (CPT/Inf (2011) 28) (http://www.cpt.

coe.int/en/annual/rep-21.pdf, accessed 10 November

2013).

35. Basic principles for the treatment of prisoners. New

York, NY, United Nations, 1990 (A/RES/45/111)

(http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/45/a45r111.

htm, accessed 10 November 2013).

36. Recommendation No. R (2006) 2 of the Committee

of Ministers to member states on the European

Prison Rules. Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 2006

(https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=955747, accessed

7 November 2013).

37. Interim report of the Special Rapporteur on torture

and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or

punishment. New York, NY, United Nations, 2008

(A/63/175) (http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/

707AC2611E22CE6B852574BB004F4C95, accessed

10 November 2013).

38. Case of Ramirez Sanchez v. France (Application no.

59450/00). Strasbourg, European Court of Human Rights,

4 July 2006 (https://www.google.com/#q=Ramirez

+Sanchez%2C+v.+France+%5BGC%5D%2C+no.+594

50%2F00%2C+ECHR+2006-IX, accessed 10 November 2013).

39. Razvyazkin v. Russia (Application no. 13579/09).

Strasbourg, European Court of Human Rights, 3 October

2012 (http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/sites/eng/pages/search.

aspx?i=001-111837#{“itemid”:[“001-111837”]}, accessed

10 November 2013).

40. Ensslin, Baader, Raspe v. the Federal Republic of

Germany (Application nos. 7572/76, 7586/76, 7587/76).

Strasbourg, European Court of Human Rights, 8 July

1978 (http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/sites/eng/pages/search.

35

Solitary confinement as a prison health issue

aspx?i=001-73445#{“itemid”:[“001-73445”]}, accessed

10 November 2013).

41. Ocalan v. Turkey (Application no. 46221/99). Strasbourg,

European Court of Human Rights, 12 May 2005 (http:// hudoc.

echr.coe.int/sites/eng/pages/search.aspx?i=001-69022

#{“itemid”:[“001-69022”]}, accessed 10 November 2013).

42. Babar Ahmad and Others v. the United Kingdom

(Application nos. 24027/07, 11949/08, 36742/08, 66911

/09 and 67354/09). Strasbourg, European Court of Human

Rights, 24 September 2012 (http://hudoc. echr.coe.int/

sites/eng/pages/search.aspx?i=001-110267# {“itemid”:

[“001-110267”]}, accessed 10 November 2013).

43. Onoufriou v. Cyprus (Application no. 24407/04).

Strasbourg, European Court of Human Rights, 7 April 2010

(http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&

frm=1&source=web&cd=2&ved=0CC4QFjAB&url=http

%3A%2F%2Fwww.law.gov.cy%2FLaw%2Flawoffice.

nsf%2F0%2FA25CA98D198CFF44C225742D002210

9E%2F%24file%2FOnoufriou%2520v%2520Cyprus.

Judgment.07.01.10.doc&ei=Ua9_UryZJqiY4gSv-YCg

BA&usg=AFQjCNGh01QV2vqmC6OlH5110rVFbuL91g,

accessed 10 November 2013).

44. Kudła v. Poland (Application no. 30210/96). Strasbourg,

European Court of Human Rights, 26 October 2000

(http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/sites/eng/pages/search.aspx?i

=001-58920#{“itemid”:[“001-58920”]}, accessed

10 November 2013).

45. Peers v. Greece (Application no. 28524/95). Strasbourg,

European Court of Human Rights, 19 April 2001

(http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/sites/eng/pages/search.

aspx?i=001-59413#{“itemid”:[“001-59413”]}, accessed

10 November 2013).

Further reading

Growing up locked down. Youth in solitary confinement in

jails and prisons across the United States. New York, NY,

American Civil Liberties Union and Human Rights Watch,

2012.

Coyle A. A human rights approach to prison management.

London, International Centre for Prison Studies, 2009.

European Committee for the Prevention of Torture

(CPT) country reports. Strasbourg, Council of Ministers,

2013 (http://www.cpt.coe.int/en/states.htm, accessed

10 November 2013).

Haney C. Mental health issues in long-term solitary and

‘supermax’ confinement. Crime & Delinquency, 2003,

49(1):124–156.

Break them down. Systematic use of psychological torture

by US forces. Boston, MA, Physicians for Human Rights,

2005.

36

6. Health in pre-trial detention

Denise Tomasini-Joshi, Ralf Jurgens, Joanne Csete

Key points

Pre-trial detainees are a particularly vulnerable group

when it comes to health conditions and the provision of

health services.

• Many more people move in and out of pre-trial

detention than will spend time in prison after

conviction.

• People in pre-trial detention have been arrested and

accused of a crime but not been found guilty of the

crime(s) charged.

• Places of pre-trial detention are often ill-equipped to

provide health services.

• People in pre-trial detention often spend time in

worse conditions than people who have already been

convicted.

• According to international legal standards, health

interventions should be available at the earliest

possible stage in the criminal justice system.

• Particular attention should be devoted to ensuring

continuity of treatment at all stages of the criminal

justice process.

• Under international legal standards, pre-trial detention

is to be used as an exceptional cautionary measure and

wide use is to be made of alternatives to detention.

• Pre-trial release (release pending completion of the

criminal justice process) can be an effective health

intervention by allowing people to be supervised in

the community where health services are more readily

available. It is also an effective way to reduce prison

overcrowding.

Introduction

It is estimated that about one third of the global prison

population is detained prior to the completion of a

criminal justice process. In a single year, more than

10 million people globally will spend some time in this

type of detention. That is, they have been arrested

for an alleged offence and are held but have not been

found guilty of that crime. In many countries, pre-trial

detainees account for the majority of people incarcerated

by the criminal justice system, thereby contributing to

overcrowding issues (where such exist).

In some instances, pre-trial detainees are held in special

pre-trial detention centres but in others, they are held

in police cells or in prisons along with the convicted

population. Where pre-trial detainees are held in special

pre-trial detention centres, these centres may not provide

the same health services as the prisons because they are

considered short-term detention facilities. Police cells are

often ill-equipped to house detainees longer-term, and

often lack even basic necessities such as toilets or beds.

On the other hand, where pre-trial detainees are held in

prisons with convicted prisoners, they may not be provided

with access to the existing facilities owing to their nonconvicted

status. For example, they may be denied

treatment that requires a long-term commitment (such

as treatment for TB) because they are deemed temporary

detainees, or they may not have access to prison services

simply because they are not under the legal jurisdiction of

the prison while they are awaiting trial. In addition, people

frequently experience interruption of critically important

medications, such as medication to treat HIV, TB or drug

dependence, upon arrest, when they are detained in

police cells, transferred to pre-trial detention facilities or

appearing in court.

Defining pre-trial detention

Most criminal justice systems formally differentiate

between sentenced and unsentenced prisoners, that is,

people who have been charged and convicted of a crime

and people who have been arrested on suspicion of a crime

but have yet to be tried and convicted. It is helpful to note

that the terms unsentenced prisoner, pre-trial detainee,

remand prisoner, remandee, awaiting trial detainee and

untried prisoner are used interchangeably in the literature.

According to Penal Reform International, “remand

prisoners are detained during criminal investigations and

pending trial. Pre-trial detention is not a sanction, but a

measure to safeguard a criminal procedure” (1). Most

countries will also afford individuals who are accused

but not convicted a different legal status, in keeping with

international standards and norms.

Guidelines

International human rights norms emphasize the important

distinction between people who have been found guilty

(convicted by a court of law and sentenced to prison) and

those who have not. Prisoners awaiting their trial, or the

outcome of their trial, are regarded differently because

the law sees them as innocent until found guilty (2–5).

The use of pre-trial detention is restricted by several

international human rights treaties. The International

Covenant on Civil and Political Rights states the following

in the relevant part (2):

37

Health in pre-trial detention

Anyone arrested or detained on a criminal charge shall be

brought promptly before a judge or other officer authorized

by law to exercise judicial power and shall be entitled to trial

within a reasonable time or to release. It shall not be the general

rule that persons awaiting trial shall be detained in custody, but

release may be subject to guarantees to appear for trial.

International standards permit detention before trial only

under certain, limited circumstances. In 1990, the Eighth

United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and

Treatment of Offenders (6) established the following

principle:

Pre-trial detention may be ordered only if there are reasonable

grounds to believe that the persons concerned have been

involved in the commission of the alleged offences and

there is a danger of their absconding or committing further

serious offences, or a danger that the course of justice will

be seriously interfered with if they are let free.

One of the major achievements of the Eighth United

Nations Congress was the adoption, by consensus, of the

United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for Non-custodial

Measures (the Tokyo Rules) (7). These rules provide that

pre-trial detention shall be used as a means of last resort

in criminal proceedings, and that alternatives to pre-trial

detention shall be employed at as early a stage as possible.

The tenor of international norms and standards in relation

to pre-trial detention is clear: restricting a defendant’s

freedom should be used sparingly and under prescribed

circumstances only. It follows that detention of an

accused should occur under circumstances that preserve

the presumption of innocence and will not entail a

punishment without a trial.

Challenges of pre-trial detention

Pre-trial detainees can be a particularly vulnerable

group. The hours following an arrest can be confusing:

there may be a delay in communicating with the outside

world; torture to obtain confessions, when it happens,

typically occurs before trial; and temporary places of

detention (such as police cells) are often dirty, poorly lit

and ventilated, overcrowded and lacking basic equipment

such as beds and toilets.

Various factors exacerbate poor health conditions in

pre-trial detention. Firstly, pre-trial detention is seen as

a temporary circumstance with the ultimate goal being

dismissal of charges, acquittal or conviction after trial.

This creates three subsets of problems:

• in many countries pre-trial detention occurs in facilities

that are ill-equipped to deliver health services or to

house long-term residents, such as police stations;

• in other countries, pre-trial detainees fall under the

jurisdiction (care) of an institution other than the

agency that oversees convicted prisoners, leading to

accountability and oversight problems;

• in many countries, pre-trial detainees are not entitled

to participate in programmes that facilitate recovery

and re-entry into the community because these are

characterized as rehabilitation programmes and

a person who has not been convicted cannot by

definition be rehabilitated.

Unfortunately for pre-trial detainees, the short-term nature

of their status is often part of an illusory legal construct.

In 2003, the average length of pre-trial detention in 19 of

the then 25 member states of the European Union (EU)

was five and a half months, according to a European

Commission investigation (8). But in some EU countries

(such as France), pre-trial detention can be allowed for

years and there are reports of people spending as many

as six years without conviction (9, p.25). In Ireland,

individuals can spend 12 months without even a review

of the grounds for detention, let alone a trial (9, p.26).

In many developing countries, the situation is worse. In

2005, the average length of pre-trial detention in Nigeria

was 3.7 years (10). In 2010, half of Nigeria’s pre-trial

detainees had been detained for between 5 and 17 years,

according to the country’s National Prison Service (11),

with cases reported of detainees awaiting trial for up

to 20 years (12). In Pakistan, many defendants “spend

more time behind bars awaiting trial than the maximum

sentence they would receive if eventually convicted”

(13), notwithstanding the fact that the law stipulates that

detainees must be brought to trial within 30 days of their

arrest.

In many countries the majority of people in prison are pretrial

detainees. Likewise, in many countries, prisons are

overcrowded by housing many more inmates than they

were designed to hold. Where these two factors conflate,

the health problems associated with prison overcrowding

arise from a failure to provide provisional release – in

violation of international norms – to people who have not

been convicted and are qualified to await their trial in the

community.

Interruption of treatment is one of the most complex

issues facing pre-trial detention centres and detainees.

For people who have been receiving treatment for a

medical condition in the community, arrest and detention

represent a potentially deadly interruption of treatment.

Treatment may be discontinued for short or long periods of

time following arrest and detention in police cells, when

detainees are transferred to other facilities or have to

appear in court, and upon release. Of particular concern

38

Prisons and health

is the interruption of treatments (such as for HIV) that

can lead to negative health outcomes for the individual

patient and also, through development of drug-resistant

strains of HIV, to negative public health consequences.

Even where pre-trial detainees have access to the same

services as convicted prisoners, prison health care is

often limited in some ways. Prisons may not have the

necessary specialized equipment, they may carry some

types of medication but not others, the medical team in

the prison may not be experienced in a particular illness,

and/or prison regulations may prevent family members

from providing medical assistance, such as doctors or

medication, even when it is not available in the institution

and they have the resources to provide it.8

Improving health conditions at the pre-trial

stage

Health delivery in prisons should meet the minimum standards

set out in international laws, rules and conventions. Most of

the problems described here would be greatly diminished by

a reduction in pre-trial detention and the use of less restrictive

alternatives, such as provisional release paired with a referral

to community health care. Without reduced use of pre-trial

detention and the attendant problems of overcrowding,

it is difficult to imagine how these problems will be

addressed. As stated in the 2013 policy brief HIV prevention,

treatment and care in prisons and other closed settings: a

comprehensive package of interventions, “reducing the

excessive use of pre-trial detention and greatly increasing

the use of non-custodial alternatives to imprisonment

are essential components of any response to HIV and

other health issues in prisons and other closed settings”

(14, p.1). In addition to this solution, however, there are ways

in which health services could be improved and the possibility

enhanced for observing the health rights of persons in

detention. Some of these measures might also generate

information that would be helpful in advocating the reduced

use of pre-trial detention. Some avenues toward improved

practices and enhanced information are described below.

Investing in improved pre-trial detention health

services as a state obligation and an opportunity for

early detection, care and linkage to continued care

Pre-trial health services and staffing are often inadequate

compared to those in prisons and do not fulfil the state’s

obligation for early detection of health problems and

initiation of care. The non-involvement of ministries of

health in remand health services undermines links to

community-based care and may compromise the quality

of health services in remand facilities and the right to

equivalence of services for detainees. Pre-trial detention

is often a missed opportunity to avert illness and even

death, especially in cases of HIV, hepatitis, TB and some

mental disorders that require extended treatment and for

which early detection and treatment are crucial to good

outcomes. As mentioned above, it is extremely important

to ensure the continuation of therapy begun before a

person’s entry into detention. Each of the situations in

which treatment may be interrupted should be addressed

and mechanisms established to ensure this does not

happen. Policies and guidelines should be developed

specifying that people living with HIV (and other conditions

necessitating uninterrupted treatment) are allowed to

keep their medication with them, or are to be provided

with their medication upon arrest and detention and at

any time they are transferred within the system or to court

hearings. Police and staff working in detention settings

need to be educated about the importance of continuity

of treatment. Particular attention should be devoted to

discharge planning and links to community aftercare.

Because the organization of pre-trial detention may be

chaotic, with a rapid turnover of detainees, there is a

tendency not to initiate services that could be sustained

even in such an environment. Again, links between

community-based and prison-based care are crucial.

It should be possible to include pre-trial detention in a

continuum of care with regard to methadone therapy,

for example, as well as directly observed treatment,

short-course for TB and antiretroviral treatment for HIV.

Health promotion and information involving peers should

be possible, even with a high turnover, if staff develop

rapid orientation and training to build capacity for peer

leadership and engagement.

Finally, the provision of adequate basic services, including

health care, water, sanitation, food and protection from

the cold and/or heat, would have important benefits

beyond the obvious public health outcomes. To the degree

that detainees, including children and women, have to

trade sex for access to food, blankets and water, adequate

provision of these basic services will be a disincentive to

coercive sex. Violence linked to competition for access to

basic amenities would also be reduced.

Transparency, complaint mechanisms, access to

counsel

Much of what is known about the unhealthy and

inhumane conditions faced by pre-trial detainees is

8 It is commonplace in the United States, for example, to refuse to provide any medication to inmates that was not purchased through the prison system, to avoid

issues of provenance and legality of substances. This means that if, for instance, a schizophrenic person is arrested and is carrying medication on his/her person,

the authorities will confiscate that medication, assuming that it is contraband, and substitute the closest equivalent found in the prison dispensary.

39

Health in pre-trial detention

found in reports of occasional visits by regional and

international human rights monitors. There is an urgent

need to open pre-trial detention conditions to wider

scrutiny, and to establish regular monitoring and public

reporting mechanisms. In many countries, access to legal

counsel and to the courts by pre-trial detainees would

be one avenue for addressing abusive and negligent

health practices. There should also be functioning and

sustained mechanisms for detainees to report abuses

and seek redress without endangering themselves. Such

mechanisms should involve competent and independent

health professionals.

Mechanisms for prison staff to be independent and

to speak out against abuse

Health professionals working in detention settings

need to be able to make independent, evidence-based

decisions to ensure that health needs and rights are met.

Their role as advocates for the health of detainees should

be safeguarded. They should also be protected from

being complicit in any practice that may constitute cruel,

inhuman or degrading treatment or torture, but must be

held accountable if they cross that line.

Involvement of ministries of health

Achieving equivalence of care in prisons and remand

facilities to that of care in the community argues for

greater involvement of ministries of health. At a minimum,

they should be responsible for monitoring the quality

of care for detainees. The complete isolation of prison

and remand health services from the principal health

authorities of the state is a recipe for trouble.

Awareness-raising among key stakeholders

In addition to the need for more information and research,

there is an urgent need for what is already known

about health in pre-trial detention to be more widely

disseminated, especially to those whose actions might

affect change. Ministries of health may be shielded

from day-to-day knowledge of conditions and services

if they are not involved in remand facilities, but their

involvement and awareness of conditions are important

for positive change to happen. Beyond the health sector,

judges, prosecutors, police, juvenile justice officials

and other people involved in law enforcement must be

made aware of the health consequences of heavy use

of pre-trial detention. Human rights commissions and

nongovernmental organizations not already involved with

prison health should be engaged.

Research and access to research results

Access to detention settings for researchers may be

restricted in many countries. The fact that health services

may be managed in remand facilities by ministries other

than the ministry of health may be a barrier to researchers

accustomed to interacting with health sector officials. In

particular, there are research needs in the following areas:

• better data on the extent of pre-trial detention,

particularly among women, children, people living

with drug dependency, people with mental illness and

others vulnerable to abuse and health problems;

• the relationship between the extent and duration of

pre-trial detention and a variety of health outcomes;

• the physical and mental health impact of overcrowding

in pre-trial detention, including whether it is possible

to determine critical levels of crowding that trigger

accelerated transmission of infectious diseases;

• the physical and mental health impact of extended

pre-trial detention on men, women and children;

• the difficulties faced by health professionals in

situations of pre-trial detention where services are

inadequate and abuse is prevalent;

• best practices for ensuring continuity of care for a

wide range of physical and mental health conditions

between the community and pre-trial detention, and

pre-trial detention and prison or the community;

• the feasibility of and best practices in TB detection,

treatment and support in pre-trial detention and

beyond.

Where there are efforts to reform pre-trial justice and

reduce the use of pre-trial detention, health officials

and practitioners should be involved in the planning and

implementation of reforms, and the health impact of

reforms should be documented.

References

1. Pre-trial detention. Addressing risk factors to prevent

torture and ill-treatment. London, Penal Reform

International, 2013 (http://www.penalreform.org/

wp-content/uploads/2013/11/Factsheet-1-pre-trialdetention-

v10_final2.pdf, accessed 10 December 2013).

2. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Geneva, Office of the High Commissioner for Human

Rights, 1966 (Article 9, sections (3) and (4)) (http://

www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.

aspx, accessed 13 November 2013).

3. Standard minimum rules for the treatment of prisoners.

New York, NY, United Nations, 1955 (http://www.

unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6b36e8.html, accessed

10 November 2013).

4. American Convention on Human Rights. Pact of San

Jose, Costa Rica (B-32). Washington, Department of

International Law, Organization of American States,

2012 (Article 7, sections (5) and (6), and article 8,

section (2)) (http://www.oas.org/dil/treaties_B-32_

American_Convention_on_Human_Rights.htm, accessed

13 November 2013).

40

Prisons and health

5. Recommendation No. R (2006) 2 of the Committee of

Ministers to member states on the European Prison

Rules. Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 2006 (Part VII)

(https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=955747, accessed

7 November 2013).

6. Eighth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime

and Treatment of Offenders. Havana, Cuba, 27 August –

7 September 1990. New York, NY, United Nations,

1990 (Article 17 (2)(b), p. 157) (http://www.asc41.com/

UN_congress/8th%20UN%20Congress%20on%20the

%20Prevention%20of%20Crime/026%20ACONF.144.28.

Rev.1%20Eighth%20United%20Nations%20Congress

%20on%20the%20Prevention%20of%20Crime%20

and%20the%20Treatment%20of%20Offenders.pdf,

accessed 13 November 2013).

7. United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for Noncustodial

Measures (The Tokyo Rules). Ann Arbor,

MI, University of Michigan, 1990 (http://www1.

umn.edu/humanrts/instree/i6unsmr.htm, accessed

13 November 2013).

8. Accompanying document to the Proposal for a Council

Framework Decision on the European supervision

order in pre-trial procedures between Member

States of the European Union {COM(2006) 468 final}.

Impact assessment. Brussels, European Commission,

29 August 2006:10–11 (SEC(2006)1079) (http://

ec.europa.eu/governance/impact/ia_carried_out/

docs/ia_2006/sec_2006_1079_en.pdf, accessed

13 November 2013).

9. Detained without trial: Fair Trials International’s response

to the European Commission’s Green Paper on detention.

London, Fair Trials International, 2011:25–26 (http://www.

fairtrials.net/documents/DetentionWithout TrialFull

Report.pdf, accessed 13 November 2013).

10. Nwapa A. Building and sustaining change: pre-trial

detention reform in Nigeria. In: Justice initiatives: pretrial

detention. New York, NY, Open Society Institute,

2008:86.

11. Fapohunda O. Fayemi’s victory. Justice administration’s

low point. This Day Live, 19 October 2010 (http://

allafrica.com/stories/printable/201010190813.html,

accessed 13 November 2013).

12. Iriekpen D. Nigeria: saving pre-trial detainees. This

Day Live, 26 July 2010 (http://allafrica.com/stories/

201007270184.html, accessed 13 November 2013).

13. Aziz MA. Penal reform. The News, 7 May 2011

(http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.

aspx?ID=45633&Cat=9, accessed 13 November 2013).

14. Policy brief: HIV prevention, treatment and care in

prisons and other closed settings: a comprehensive

package of interventions. Vienna, United Nations

on Drugs and Crime, 2013 (http://www.unodc.org/

documents/hiv-aids/HIV_prisons_advance_copy_

july_2012_leaflet_UNODC_ILO_UNDP_Ebook.pdf,

accessed 13 November 2013).

Further reading

Basic principles for the treatment of prisoners. New York,

NY, United Nations, 1990 (http://www.ohchr.org/EN/

ProfessionalInterest/Pages/BasicPrinciplesTreatment

OfPrisoners.aspx, accessed 7 November 2013).

Bateman C. Tackling the crowded jail health threat. South

African Medical Journal, 2003, 93(2):94–95.

Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons

under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment. General

Assembly resolution 43/173 (9 December 1988). New

York, NY, United Nations, 1988 (http://www.tjsl.edu/

slomansonb/10.3_DetentionImprisonment.pdf, accessed

15 November 2013).

Convention on the Rights of the Child. Geneva, High

Commissioner for Human Rights, 1989 (United Nations

General Assembly resolution 44/25, 2 September 1990)

(http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/

CRC.aspx, accessed 15 November 2013).

Declaration of Tokyo: Guidelines for Medical Doctors

Concerning Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading

Treatment or Punishment in Relation to Detention and

Imprisonment. Ferney-Voltaire, World Medical Association,

2013 (http://www.wma.net/en/30publications/10policies/

c18/, accessed 8 November 2013).

Effectiveness of interventions to address HIV in prisons.

Geneva, World Health Organization, 2007 (Evidence

for action technical papers) (http://www.who.int/hiv/

idu/OMS_E4Acomprehensive_WEB.pdf, accessed

13 November 2013).

Handbook for prison managers and policymakers on

women and imprisonment. Vienna, United Nations

Office on Drugs and Crime, 2008 (http://www.unodc.

org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/women-andimprisonment.

pdf, accessed 13 November 2013).

HIV and prisons in sub-Saharan Africa: opportunities for

action. Vienna, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime,

Geneva, UNAIDS and New York, NY, World Bank, 2007

(http://data.unaids.org/pub/Report/2007/hiv_prison_

paper_en.pdf, accessed 13 November 2013).

HIV/AIDS prevention, care, treatment and support in prison

settings. Vienna, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime,

Geneva, World Health Organization and UNAIDS, 2006

41

Health in pre-trial detention

(http://data.unaids.org/pub/Report/2006/20060701_hivaids_

prisons_en.pdf, accessed 13 November 2013).

Kampala Declaration on Prison Conditions in Africa.

Adopted at the Kampala Seminar on Prison Conditions

in Africa, Kampala, September 1996 (http://www.

penalreform.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/rep-1996-

kampala-declaration-en.pdf, accessed 15 November

2013).

Jurgens R, Nowak M, Day M. HIV and incarceration:

prisons and detention. Journal of the International AIDS

Society, 2011, 14:26.

Jurgens R, Ball A, Verster A. Interventions to reduce HIV

transmission related to injecting drug use in prison. Lancet

Infectious Diseases, 2009, 9:57–66.

Penal Reform International. Themes: pre-trial justice.

London, Penal Reform International, 2013 (http://www.

penalreform.org/priorities/pre-trial-justice/, accessed

10 December 2013).

Policy brief. HIV testing and counselling in prisons and

other closed settings. Vienna, United Nations Office on

Drugs and Crime and Geneva, World Health Organization,

2009 (http://www.unodc.org/documents/balticstates/

Library/PrisonSettings/UNODC_WHO_2009_Policy_

Brief_TC_in_Closed_Settings-EN.pdf, accessed

13 November 2013).

Pre-trial detention and health: unintended consequences,

deadly results. Literature review and recommendations for

health professionals. New York, NY, Open Society Foundations,

2011 (http://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/

files/ptd-health-20111103.pdf, accessed 13 November 2013).

Rodley NS, Pollard M. The treatment of prisoners under

international law, 3rd ed. Oxford, Oxford University Press,

2004.

Schonteich M. The scale and consequences of pre-trial

detention around the world. Justice Initiatives, 2008, spring:11

(http://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/

Justice_Initiati.pdf, accessed 15 November 2013).

Stories from the inside: prisoner rape and the war on

drugs. Los Angeles, CA, Stop Prisoner Rape 2007 (http://

www.justdetention.org/pdf/StoriesFromInside032207.

pdf, accessed 13 November 2013).

Tomasini-Joshi, D. Pre-trial detention: scale and relevance

of HIV/AIDS. HIV/AIDS Policy and Law Review, 2008,

13(2/3):68–70.

Walmsley R. World pre-trial/remand imprisonment list.

London, International Centre for Prison Studies, 2008 (http://

www.internationalpenalandpenitentiaryfoundation.org/

Site/documents/Cape%20Town/WPTRIL%20published%20

January%202008.pdf, accessed 13 November 2013).

Working Group on Arbitrary Detention [web site]. Geneva,

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,

2010 (http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Detention/Pages/

WGADIndex.aspx, accessed 13 November 2013).

42

Prisons and health

43

The essentials: why prison health deserves priority in the interests of public health,

the duty of care, human rights and social justice

Communicable diseases

44

45

7. HIV and other bloodborne viruses in prisons

Fabienne Hariga

Key points

• The prevalence of HIV, hepatitis B and hepatitis C is

particularly high in pre-trial detention centres and in

prisons.

• All modes of transmission of these diseases occurring

in the community also occur in prisons: through blood,

sexual activity and vertical transmission to a child.

• Measures to address HIV and hepatitis in prisons

should be comprehensive.

• Guidelines and standard operating orders should be

developed, in line with national guidelines and based

on international guidelines, to address bloodborne

viral diseases in prisons.

• All preventive, curative and supportive interventions

for HIV, hepatitis C and B that are available in the

community are effective, feasible and needed in

prisons.

• Continuity of treatment is key in the response to HIV,

including for people going into, transferring between

or released from prisons.

• Measures to address HIV and AIDS in prisons also

address HIV and AIDS for staff working in prisons, for

people visiting prisons and for the entire community.

• HIV testing cannot be mandatory and all health

interventions need to have the informed consent of

the people concerned.

• People living with HIV should not be segregated.

Introduction

People in prisons and other closed settings, including

people working in prisons, are particularly at risk

for hepatitis B, hepatitis C and HIV, due to their own

vulnerability compounded by the characteristics of the

environment. The prevalence of individuals who use

drugs, including injecting drugs, is particularly high

in prisons in Europe, a region with an HIV epidemic

concentrated among the most vulnerable populations,

especially people who inject drugs. Such people are also

particularly affected by viral hepatitis, especially hepatitis

C. Each of these diseases is preventable and each has

a treatment. The overuse of imprisonment and pretrial

detention for drug users is responsible for the high

prevalence of HIV and hepatitis among prisoners. In the

absence of preventive measures, transmission can also

occur in prisons. The lack of access to preventive, curative

and palliative care in prisons, poor prison conditions and

poor prison management all contribute to increasing the

risk of transmission of bloodborne diseases.

Bloodborne viruses

HIV and AIDS

HIV is a virus that infects cells of the human immune system

and progressively impairs their function. Infection with HIV

leads to immune deficiency, making people vulnerable to

a wide range of diseases. About one year after an initial

infection, symptoms will develop. AIDS describes the

collection of symptoms and infections associated with the

deficiency of the immune system caused by HIV infection.

The level of CD4 cells (cells from the immune system) and

the appearance of certain infections or cancers are used

as indicators that HIV infection has progressed to AIDS.

Diseases associated with severe immunodeficiency are

known as opportunistic diseases. In the prison context,

the most significant of these is TB, which can spread very

quickly in overcrowded conditions.

HIV is transmitted when infected blood, semen, vaginal

fluids or breast-milk enter another person’s body. This

occurs during unprotected sex, when sharing needles

during injection drug use or tattooing and piercing, through

blood transfusion, through unsafe medical care (such as

the use of improperly sterilized syringes and other medical

equipment in health-care settings) or through accidental

puncture with contaminated medical wastes. Women

living with HIV who become pregnant can transmit HIV

to their babies during pregnancy or delivery as well as

through breastfeeding. All these modes of transmission

can occur in prisons if appropriate measures are not taken.

HIV is not transmitted through casual contact. HIV infection

is asymptomatic for a long period during which the virus

can be transmitted to another person. The only way to

determine whether HIV is present in a person’s body is by

taking a test for it. There is no vaccine to prevent HIV, and

there is a treatment but no cure. Antiretroviral therapy

(ART) slows down the progression of the disease by

decreasing the amount of virus (viral load) in an infected

body. The decrease in viral load, for example when people

are on antiretroviral treatment, also reduces the risk of

transmission to another person.

Hepatitis B

Hepatitis B is a viral infection of the liver that can cause

both acute and chronic disease. About 10% of infected

adults will develop chronic liver disease, with a high risk

of death from cirrhosis of the liver and/or liver cancer.

The virus is transmitted through contact with the blood

46

Prisons and health

or other bodily fluids (semen and vaginal fluid) of an

infected person or from an infected mother to her child

at birth. Hepatitis B is not spread through food or water

or by casual contact, such as hugging, kissing and sharing

food or drinks with an infected person. The transmission

of hepatitis B is thus similar to HIV but the virus is 50

to 100 times more infectious than HIV. Hepatitis B virus

(HBV) can survive outside the body for at least seven days.

It is an occupational hazard for health workers, but it is

preventable with a vaccine and is curable. More and more

countries vaccinate infants against hepatitis B during

national immunization.

Hepatitis C

Hepatitis C is also a liver disease, caused by the

hepatitis C virus (HCV). It can also be acute or chronic,

but most of the time the acute phase is unnoticed.

About 70% of infected persons develop chronic liver

disease. In the absence of treatment, after 20 years

of evolution, 5–20% will develop cirrhosis and 1–5%

will die from cirrhosis or liver cancer. HCV is most

commonly transmitted through contact with the blood

of an infected person, such as through receipt of

contaminated blood transfusions, blood products and

organ transplants; injections given with contaminated

syringes, needle-stick injuries; injection drug use; and

vertical transmission from an HCV-infected mother. It is

less commonly transmitted through sex with an infected

person and sharing of personal items contaminated with

infectious blood. Hepatitis C is also very infectious. It

is not spread through breast-milk, food or water or by

casual contact such as hugging, kissing and sharing food

or drinks with an infected person. Currently, there is no

vaccine to prevent hepatitis C but it is curable.

The issues or challenges within the prison

environment

HIV prevalence is generally higher in prisons and pretrial

detention centres than in the community. People in

prisons typically come from socially and educationally

disadvantaged groups with poor access to health care and

prevention in the community. The populations at highest

risk for HIV, hepatitis B and C infections in the community,

such as people who inject drugs and sex workers, are

over-represented in prison populations. In the absence

of preventive measures, transmission occurs in prisons.

Risky behaviour such as sexual intercourse (consensual

or forced) without protection, sharing injection equipment

and tattooing and piercing equipment, sharing razors or

scissors or sharing blood through brotherhood rituals

occur in prisons in all countries in the world. Epidemics

have been described in several countries such as

Estonia (2002), where 300 people were infected in less

than 6 months. Factors related specifically to the prison

system and environment that contribute indirectly to HIV

vulnerability are: overcrowding, poor prison conditions,

violence, sexual abuse, gang activities, poor classification,

lack of protection for vulnerable prisoners, stigma and

discrimination, corruption and poor medical services.

Medical services that are separate from national public

health programmes, especially from HIV programmes,

often do not access or use the resources available

in the community such as medication and guidelines

for prevention, diagnosis, follow-up or treatment.

Underfunded and underskilled medical services and

programmes may be responsible for transmission through

the use of contaminated medical or dental equipment,

inadequate sterilization procedures and absence of or

inadequate universal precautions. In the absence of

programmes for comprehensive prevention of motherto-

child transmission, pregnant and nursing mothers can

transmit hepatitis B or HIV to their children.

A comprehensive approach

As mentioned above, there are many factors and co-factors

contributing to the prevalence of bloodborne diseases

in prisons. Health authorities alone cannot address

prevention, early identification and treatment. Attention

from other actors, such as in the environmental, criminal

justice and prison management areas, is often required.

The health sector does, however, have a crucial role to

play in the implementation of health-specific measures

and in raising the awareness of prison managers about

other essential interventions.

A comprehensive approach needs to be taken, including

protecting staff, since transmission can occur in prisons,

people entering prison can already be infected with HIV

and some can be severely ill (Fig. 1). In 2013, UNODC in

collaboration with the International Labour Organization,

the United Nations Development Programme, WHO and the

Joint United National Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS)

published a policy brief on a comprehensive response to

HIV in prisons (1). This included a comprehensive package

of interventions, mainly in connection with the health

sector, as under:

• information, education and communication;

• condom programmes;

• prevention of sexual violence;

• drug dependence treatment including opioid

substitution therapy;

• needle and syringe programmes;

• prevention of transmission through medical or dental

services;

• prevention of transmission through tattooing, piercing

and other forms of skin penetration;

• post-exposure prophylaxis;

47

HIV and other bloodborne viruses in prisons

• HIV testing and counselling;

• HIV treatment, care and support;

• prevention, diagnosis and treatment of TB;

• prevention of mother-to-child transmission of HIV;

• prevention and treatment of sexually transmitted

infections;

• vaccination, diagnosis and treatment of viral hepatitis;

• protection of staff from occupational hazards.

The evidence

By definition, an intervention that is effective in the

community to prevent or to treat a disease should be

effective in prisons. However, the prison system, and

sometimes each prison in the system, needs to develop

or adapt new implementation modalities to ensure

effective access to and impact from the intervention.

There is a need to be creative and to discuss the objective

of the interventions with all stakeholders to ensure

they understand and to identify the best modalities for

implementation and evaluation. Prison-specific evidence

has been collected on the prevention of sexuallytransmitted

infections (STIs) and programmes for condoms,

treatment for HIV, needle and syringe programmes and

treatment for drug dependence in prisons.

Interventions

Prevention

The similarities in modes of transmission of bloodborne

diseases means that measures for their prevention are

almost all valid for all three diseases.

Information, education and communication for

prisoners and prison staff

Information is not enough to prevent the transmission

of HIV or hepatitis but it is an essential precondition

to the implementation of HIV prevention measures in

prisons. The main principle is that all information on

bloodborne diseases that is available to the community

should be tailored to the needs, cultural and educational

backgrounds and languages of the prison population, both

staff and prisoners. All types of support, including hard

copy, videos, radio programmes and electronic support can

be used, and staff or prisoners should actively participate

in developing them. Education programmes in prisons

Fig. 1. HIV management in prison settings men who have sex with men

Bloodborne diseases

morbidity and mortality

in prison settings

Legal framework, criminal

justice, prison policies,

rights of prisoners:

• criminalization of sex

work, men who have

sex with men, drug use

• alternatives to

imprisonment

• equivalence of health

care

• compassionate release

Access to preventive, curative,

reproductive and palliative care:

• comprehensive HIV/

HCV/HBV prevention and

treatment

• quality assurance

• national guidelines

• throughcare

Prevalence rates in

population entering

prisons

Prison conditions and prison

management:

• overcrowding

• light, hygiene, ventilation

• classification system

• violence

• stigma and discrimination

• intimate visits room

• workplace safety

Risk of bloodborne, sexual and

vertical transmission in prisons:

• prevalence of risky behaviour

• safty of health/dental services

• universal precautions

Action needed by prison managers

Action needed by health authorities in

prisons

Action needed by criminal justice and

health authorities outside prisons

48

Prisons and health

are more likely to be effective if they are developed

and delivered by peers, although nongovernmental

organizations can play a leading role in developing,

implementing and monitoring them. These programmes

should cover all the aspects of the diseases – prevention

of transmission, testing and treatment – and they should

address stigma and discrimination.

Prevention of sexual transmission and provision of

condoms and lubricants

In prisons, consensual sex occurs between men, between

women and between men and women. However, sex in

prison is a major taboo, which makes access to condoms

a particular challenge. There is evidence that when

programmes are well-prepared and well-implemented

they are effective and are not the source of problems.

Condoms and lubricant should be easily, discreetly and

freely accessible. Staff in each prison should identify the

best locations for making them accessible, taking into

account the layout of the building, leadership and the

movement of prisoners within the premises. In addition,

it is essential to make condoms available in the intimate

visit rooms.

Measures to prevent sexual violence, such as proper

classification, protection of the most vulnerable, rooms

for conjugal visits and reporting systems must also be put

in place by prison management.

Prevention of transmission through needles shared

by injecting drug users

Different modalities have been adopted in several

countries to make safe injection equipment available in

prisons through health staff, by peers or through dispensing

machines. There is evidence that these programmes are

effective and not the source of security problems. They

have also been shown to facilitate contacts with health

staff and enrolment in a drug dependence treatment

programme. Not only do they prevent transmission

between injecting drug users but they also protect staff

by reducing the risk of accidental puncture during cell

searches. To prevent hepatitis C, the injection kits should

contain (in addition to the syringes) filters, water and

cups. Bleach, especially in the prison context, is barely

or not effective for disinfecting injection equipment

and preventing the transmission of HIV and hepatitis.

Whichever system is chosen to provide needles and

syringes or kits, the method should include a component

for the safe disposal of used needles and syringes.

Safe tattooing and piercing equipment

Tattooing or piercing is highly prevalent in prisons and

closely linked to the prison sub-culture. Research has

demonstrated that injecting drug users tend to get

tattooed in prison more frequently than other prisoners.

Tattooing workshops, with professionals well-trained to

give information and show how to operate safely, can be

held. Alternatively, professional tattooists could be invited

to offer their services. Information, needles and bleach

can be distributed to the prisoners. Nongovernmental

organizations can also play an important role in the

implementation of such programmes.

Prevention of transmission of hepatitis through

shavers, scissors, etc.

It is important to ensure that information on the risks

of transmission, especially of hepatitis, from sharing

toothbrushes, shavers or scissors is communicated to all

prisoners. In some countries, all prisoners entering prison

are given kits with items for personal hygiene to prevent

the sharing of equipment.

Prevention of mother-to-child transmission

Prevention of the transmission of virus to children begins

with access to reproductive health and contraception. As

with pregnant women outside prison, pregnant women in

prisons need access to the full range of interventions for

the prevention of mother-to-child transmission, including

family planning and ART prophylaxis for pregnant and

breastfeeding mothers. Children born to women living with

HIV should be followed up according to national guidelines.

To prevent transmission of hepatitis B from mother to child,

newborns should be vaccinated at birth. The schedule for

hepatitis B immunization of children recommended by WHO

consists of a dose within 12–24 hours of birth, followed by

a second and third dose of vaccines containing hepatitis B

at intervals of at least 4 weeks. If, as recommended, the

mother gives birth at the hospital, it must be ensured that

the vaccination is given to the child as soon as possible

after birth if the mother has HBV infection, and before they

leave the hospital in other cases.

To prevent transmission of HIV, all pregnant women who

are not in need of ART for their own health (CD4 >350 and

no symptoms of AIDS) require an effective antiretroviral

prophylaxis strategy to prevent HIV transmission to the

infant. This prophylaxis should start at the 14th week of

pregnancy, or as soon as possible when women present

late in pregnancy, in labour or at delivery (2). Infants born

to HIV-infected women receiving ART for their own health

should receive ART for six weeks.

To prevent transmission of HCV, caesarean sections are

not recommended for HCV-infected pregnant women.

Mothers with chronic hepatitis C can breastfeed their

49

HIV and other bloodborne viruses in prisons

babies unless they are co-infected with HIV. Children

of HCV-infected mothers should be tested for HCVribonucleic

acid (RNA) one month after birth.

Universal precautions and safe health services (3)

Universal precautions are essential to ensure a safe

workplace for staff and to prevent accidental or iatrogenic

transmission of HIV and hepatitis in prisons. In addition

to the transmission through blood transfusion of infected

blood or through transplantations, HIV and hepatitis

can be transmitted through used needles or dental and

gynaecological equipment or any medical equipment that

can be in contact with blood. Up-to-date sterilization

measures, the safe collection and disposal of sharps and

disposal of medical waste, based on guidelines for health

(and dental) settings in the community, apply in prisons.

All cuts and abrasions should be covered. Prison staff

can be provided with gloves and eye protection to avoid

accidental exposure to contaminated blood. Training of

staff is essential for the understanding and application of

these measures. Posters could be placed in different parts

of the prisons as reminders of these essential measures.

Hepatitis B vaccination

All staff working in prisons and prisoners should be

vaccinated against hepatitis B. All prisoners entering

prisons who have not been vaccinated should be offered

the hepatitis B vaccination. There is no need to check the

serological status for hepatitis B before vaccination if

there is no suspicion of hepatitis B infection. Three doses

are needed and different schedules are possible. A classic

schedule requires a minimum of two months. In view of

the high turnover in prisons and the need to get early

protection, a rapid schedule might be the best choice,

as national regulatory authorities allow. But this type of

schedule requires a booster after one year. A combined

hepatitis A and B vaccine is particularly indicated for

people affected by hepatitis C (Table 1).

Post-exposure prophylaxis

Both prisoners and staff can be accidentally exposed to

body fluids potentially infected by HIV. Post-exposure

prophylaxis is short-term (one month) ART to reduce

the likelihood of HIV infection after potential exposure,

either through sexual activity or blood. Post-exposure

prophylaxis should only be offered for exposure that has

the potential for HIV transmission and must be initiated

within 72 hours after exposure. It is, therefore, essential

that clear guidelines and standard procedures to follow

in case of suspected accidental exposure are produced

and disseminated (4). These guidelines, based on national

guidelines for post-exposure prophylaxis, should include

first aid measures, reporting mechanisms, persons to

contact, support and counselling measures. Most countries

have a reference centre for post-exposure prophylaxis,

with people trained to prescribe the treatment.

Drug dependence treatment

Drug dependence treatment, including opioid substitution

therapy for maintenance, is an essential component of the

prevention of transmission through injection equipment

(see Chapter 14).

Testing and counselling

Testing for HIV or hepatitis is both an information

(prevention) measure and a diagnostic measure. Thus

whatever the context in which a test is conducted, it

should be accompanied by pre- and post-counselling for

both positive and negative test results. Testing for HIV and

hepatitis, as with any other medical intervention, cannot

be mandatory. In view of the window period during which

the test is negative even if a person is infected, and of the

risk of a person acquiring HIV while in pre-trial detention

or prison, mandatory testing is not effective. Health

services in prisons can use rapid tests with laboratory

confirmation, according to national regulations.

All tests need to ensure the informed consent of the person

and confidentiality. Every effort must be made to return

the final results confidentially and within a reasonable

time (about one week), accompanied by counselling. All

persons with a positive test for HIV or hepatitis should

be referred to a service that provides follow-up and

treatment, including ART and other treatments as needed.

There is no need for anyone, except the patient and the

medical doctor, to be informed about the result of a test.

Table 1. Hepatitis B simmunization schedules for adults

Dose Hepatitis B Hepatitis A-B Hepatitis A-B

(very rapid schedule) (rapid schedule)

First dose day 0 day 0 day 0

Second dose month 1 day 7 1 month later

Third dose 1–12 months later day 21 2 months later

Booster – after 1 year after 1 year

50

Prisons and health

Testing and counselling for HIV

Health care providers should offer confidential HIV

testing and counselling to all detainees during medical

examinations, especially when prisoners ask for it and

if the previous test was more than 12 months earlier.

The test should be recommended to all prisoners with

symptom markers of HIV infection, those with TB, and

female prisoners who are pregnant.

All detainees should have unhindered access to voluntary

counselling and HIV testing programmes at any time during

their detention. Nongovernmental organizations can most

effectively organize and provide voluntary counselling and

testing in prisons. Often prisoners will prefer to be tested

by an external organization.

Testing for hepatitis B

The viral incubation period for hepatitis B is 90 days on

average, but can vary from about 30 to 180 days. HBV

may be detected 30 to 60 days after infection and persist

for widely variable periods of time. Hepatitis B surface

antigen (HBsAg) testing is the primary tool for screening

and diagnosis. A second test a few weeks later is needed

to confirm a first positive test (5) (Table 2).

Testing for hepatitis C

The diagnosis of HCV infection is based on detection of

anti-HCV antibodies by enzyme immunoassay. A positive

test must be confirmed with an HCV RNA qualitative assay

or, ideally, with a real-time polymerase chain reaction

assay.

Hepatitis B test Result Interpretation

HBsAg Negative Susceptible (no recent or old infection)

anti-HBca Negative

anti-HBsb Negative

HBsAg Negative Immune due to natural infection

anti-HBc Positive

anti-HBs Positive

HBsAg Negative Immune due to hepatitis B vaccination

anti-HBc Negative

anti-HBs Positive

HBsAg Positive Acutely infected (less than 6 months)

anti-HBc Positive

IgMc anti-HBc Positive

anti-HBs Negative

HBsAg Positive Chronically infected

anti-HBc Positive

IgM anti-HBc Negative

anti-HBs Negative

HBsAg Negative Interpretation unclear; four possibilities:

anti-HBc Positive • resolved infection (most common)

anti-HBs Negative • false-positive anti-HBc, thus susceptible

• low-level chronic infection

• resolving acute infection

a anti-HBc – hepatitis B core antibody

b anti-HBs – hepatitis B surface antibody

c IgM – immunoglobulin

Source: US Centers for Disease Control (6).

Table 2. How to interpret a hepatitis B serological test

51

HIV and other bloodborne viruses in prisons

The diagnosis of chronic hepatitis C is based on the

detection of HCV infection, confirmed by HCV RNA assay

(positive anti-HCV antibodies and HCV RNA) in a patient

with signs of chronic hepatitis.

Collaborative HIV/TB programme

The risk of developing TB is about 12–20 times greater

among people living with HIV than among those who

do not have HIV infection. These risks are especially

serious in prisons, with their high HIV prevalence, high

TB prevalence rates and environmental conditions

that include overcrowding, poor ventilation and poor

light.

Collaborative HIV/TB programmes aim to reduce TBrelated

mortality and morbidity among people living with

HIV and to reduce HIV-related morbidity and mortality (see

Chapter 8).

Assessment, treatment and follow-up

HIV

Sustainable HIV treatment programmes in prisons are

either integrated into or linked to countries’ general HIV

treatment programmes.

The strategies for treating people living with HIV are:

• provision of ART to reduce the progression, mortality

and transmission of the disease;

• prevention, diagnosis and treatment of opportunistic

diseases.

Assessment

The first step for a person diagnosed with HIV is to

determine the stage of the disease and when to start

ART. It is, therefore, most important to check any person

diagnosed with HIV infection every six months. Both

clinical and immunological criteria are used. Where

clinical and immunological classifications are both

available, immune status (reflected by CD4) is usually

more informative. If there is no access in the country to

CD4 count, clinical criteria can be used alone.

CD4 cells count is the standard way to assess the

severity of HIV-related immunodeficiency. HIV infection

is responsible for a decrease in the number of a specific

type of lymphocyte, the T cells that bear the CD4 receptor.

The progressive depletion of CD4 is associated with an

increased likelihood of opportunistic infections, wasting

and death. The immune status of a person living with HIV/

AIDS can be assessed by measuring the absolute number

(per mm3) or percentage of CD4+ cells. It is recommended

that all patients, irrespective of the clinical stage, have

access to CD4 counts (7).

Viral load testing is not needed routinely and is only

recommended to confirm suspected failure of treatment.

The assessment should include testing for hepatitis B and

C and screening for TB.

Clinical assessment of HIV

Clinical assessment is used to guide decisions on when

to start cotrimoxazole prophylaxis and when to start ART.

Table 3 shows WHO’s recommendations for a staging

system for HIV infection and disease in adults and

adolescents (8).

ART

There is evidence that ART is feasible in prison settings

(9). One of the problems of ART is resistance to some

of the drugs that can be caused by the interruption of

treatment. It is, therefore, most important to avoid any

interruption of treatment when individuals are admitted

to pre-trial detention centre or prison, when they are

transferred from one prison or pre-trial detention centre

to another, and when people under treatment are released

into the community. In addition, specific attention should

be paid to adherence to the treatment.

ART should be started:

• as a priority, in all individuals with severe or advanced

HIV clinical disease (WHO clinical stage 3 or 4) and

individuals with CD4 count 350 cells/mm3 (strong

recommendation, moderate-quality evidence);

• in all individuals with HIV with CD4 count >350 cells/mm3

and 500 cells/mm3 regardless of WHO clinical stage

(strong recommendation, moderate-quality evidence);

• in all individuals with HIV regardless of WHO clinical

stage or CD4 cell count in the following situations:

– those with HIV and active TB disease (strong

recommendation, low-quality evidence);

– those co-infected with HIV and HBV with evidence of

severe chronic liver disease (strong recommendation,

low-quality evidence);

– those with partners with HIV in serodiscordant

couples, to reduce HIV transmission to uninfected

partners (strong recommendation, high-quality

evidence);

– pregnant and breastfeeding women.

As the medical treatment is rapidly changing, please

consult the WHO web site for the drug regimen (10).

Clinical and laboratory follow-up is needed to monitor the

response to treatment. The minimum requirement is to

monitor the level of CD4. All ART drugs have numerous

adverse effects and the treatment requires monitoring for

these effects.

52

Prisons and health

Prevention of opportunistic infections

Prevention of opportunistic infections is part of the

treatment for HIV. In view of the higher risk in prison

settings, this component is essential to prevent mortality

linked to HIV. Please refer to the WHO web site for

detailed information (10–12).

Adults and adolescents living with HIV and screened with

a clinical algorithm for TB, and who report any one of the

symptoms of current cough, fever, weight loss or night

sweats may have active TB and should be evaluated for

TB and other diseases.

HIV/hepatitis B co-infection

As mentioned above, ART should start in all individuals

co-infected with HIV/HBV who require treatment for their

HBV infection (chronic active hepatitis), irrespective of

the CD4 cell count or the WHO clinical stage. The drug

regimen should include two ARVs having both anti-HIV

and anti-HBV activity.

HIV/TB co-infection

In cases with active TB co-infection, ART treatment

should be initiated as soon as possible (within the first

eight weeks) after starting TB treatment.

Co-infection with HCV is associated with a higher risk

of death and of advanced liver disease. HIV infection

accelerates the progression of and mortality from HCVrelated

disease. The management of people co-infected

by HIV and HCV is complicated owing to the increased

toxicity and interactions between the ribavirin used for

HCV treatment and several ARV used for the treatment

of HIV.

Assessment and treatment of hepatitis B (13)

There is no specific treatment for acute hepatitis B. Care

is aimed at maintaining comfort and adequate nutritional

balance, including replacement of fluids that are lost from

vomiting and diarrhoea.

Clinical stage Symptoms

1. No symptoms No symptoms or only persistent generalized lymphadenopathy.

2. Mild symptoms Moderate weight loss (5–10%).

Recurrent upper respiratory tract infections (sinusitis, tonsillitis, otitis media,

pharyngitis). Minor mucocutaneous manifestations (Herpes zoster, Angular cheilitis,

recurrent oral ulcerations, Papular pruritic eruptions, Seborrhoeic dermatitis).

3. Moderate symptoms Weight loss >10%.

Unexplained chronic diarrhoea for longer than one month. Unexplained persistent

fever (intermittent or constant for longer than one month). Persistent oral candidiasis.

Oral hairy leukoplakia. Pulmonary TB. Severe bacterial infections (pneumonia,

empyema, meningitis, pyomyositis, bone or joint infection, bacteraemia, severe

pelvic inflammatory disease). Acute necrotizing ulcerative stomatitis, gingivitis or

periodontitis. Unexplained anaemia (below 8 g/dl), neutropenia (below 0.5 x 109/litre)

and/or chronic thrombocytopenia (below 50 x 109/litre).

4. Severe symptoms (AIDS) HIV wasting syndrome.

Pneumocystis jiroveci pneumonia. Recurrent severe bacterial pneumonia. Chronic

herpes simplex infection (orolabial, genital or anorectal of more than one month’s

duration or visceral at any site). Oesophageal candidiasis (or candidiasis of trachea,

bronchi or lungs). Extrapulmonary TB. Kaposi sarcoma. Cytomegalovirus disease

(retinitis or infection of other organs, excluding liver, spleen and lymph nodes). Central

nervous system toxoplasmosis. HIV encephalopathy. Extrapulmonary cryptococcosis,

including meningitis. Disseminated non-TB mycobacteria infection. Progressive

multifocal leukoencephalopathy. Chronic cryptosporidiosis.

Table 3. WHO’s recommendations for a staging system for HIV infection and disease in adults and

adolescents

53

HIV and other bloodborne viruses in prisons

Assessment of and treatment for chronic hepatitis B is

expensive and not available in all countries. The objectives

of the assessment are to evaluate the severity of the liver

disease and to decide when to start the treatment.

Assessment of the severity of the liver disease should

include:

• biochemical markers, including at least aspartate

aminotransferase and alanine aminiransferase, and

possibly gamma-glutamyl transpeptidase, alkaline

phosphatase, prothrombin time and serum albumin;

• blood counts;

• abdominal ultrasounds;

• HBV DNA detection and measurement of the HBV DNA

level as they are essential for the diagnosis, decision

to treat and subsequent monitoring of patients;

• investigations for other causes of liver disease and coinfection

with hepatitis C or with HIV.

Liver biopsy is not always required (for example, when

there are clinical symptoms of cirrhosis) but enables the

determination of the degree of inflammation and fibrosis

in patients with either increased alanine aminiransferase

or HBV DNA levels >2000 IU/ml (or both). Recently, noninvasive

techniques (including serological techniques)

have been developed to assess the level of fibrosis.

The goal of therapy for chronic hepatitis B is to prevent the

progression of the disease to cirrhosis, decompensated

cirrhosis, end-stage liver disease, hepatocellular

carcinoma and death through suppression of HBV

replication. HBV infection cannot, however, be completely

eradicated.

Hepatitis C

As with hepatitis B, diagnosis and treatment for hepatitis

C are expensive and not available in all countries.

Assessment for hepatitis C is very similar to assessment

for hepatitis B (14). In addition to assessment of the

severity of liver disease, it includes the determination

of the genotype of the virus. Both components are

critical to treatment decisions. It consists of the

following steps:

• assess the severity of the liver disease (see

hepatitis B);

• investigate other causes of liver disease and coinfection

with hepatitis B or with HIV;

• determine HCV genotype (1 to 6) prior to antiviral

treatment, as the genotype will determine the

treatment;

• vaccinate for hepatitis A-B to prevent co-infection

with these hepatitis viruses and protect the liver – the

objective of the treatment is to cure the patient; the

current standard therapy includes pegylated interferon

in combination with ribavirin.

Nutrition support and diet

The energy needs of people living with HIV, and in

particular people with AIDS, increase by about 10%. HIV

infection affects the person’s appetite and ability to take

in food and reduces the body’s ability to absorb ingested

nutrients, while metabolic changes actually increase

the person’s nutritional needs. Adherence to treatment

is key to its success and to prevent interruption and

possible development of resistance. Poor nutrition

status and a low diet lead to difficulties in ingesting

the medications and lower compliance with treatment.

Malnutrition increases mortality among people living

with HIV/AIDS who are on ARV treatment. People on

ART are at an increased risk for metabolic diseases,

such as dyslipidemia or diabetes.

People living with HIV require food supplements that

complement their diet to enable them to meet their total

micronutrient and macronutrient needs. In particular,

fresh fruits and vegetables should complement the staple

foods. A nutritionist should advise the prison authorities

on the specific needs of patients without breaching

confidentiality about the disease.

Continuity of treatment

For both HIV and hepatitis C, continuity of treatment is

essential to ensure the best outcomes and prevent the

development of resistance. Health programmes in prisons

should, therefore, work in close collaboration with the HIV

programme in the community to ensure that treatment is

not interrupted when people enter and leave prison. It is

also important to organize this continuity when prisoners

are transferred from one prison to another within the

police/justice system.

Before an individual is released from prison, links should

be established with a service that will continue treatment.

Sometimes it is difficult for ex-prisoners to go to these

services. This situation should be identified in advance

and remedies or support should be provided to ensure that

contact will be established. The continuity of treatment is

best when community services can provide support to a

prisoner in prison and after release and accompany his/

her re-entry into the community. Before release, prisoners

undergoing treatment should be provided with a stock of

medications for one month and a complete copy of their

medical files, including the results of all tests conducted

during incarceration. When a prisoner is transferred

between prisons, health professionals should ensure that

the medical file follows the prisoner.

54

Prisons and health

Palliative care/compassionate release

Terminally ill prisoners, if they have support from family

or friends in the community, should be released on

compassionate grounds so that they are able to die with

dignity at home in the company of family or friends.

Quality assurance and monitoring of, and

interventions for, HIV and hepatitis C and D

Different measures should be implemented to optimize

the result of the HIV programme. The development of

guidance notes and standard operating procedures, based

on national guidelines, strengthens the adherence of

prison staff, both security and health, to the policy and

strategy. All staff should be trained in these guides and

the rationale and importance of their role in the response

explained.

Monitoring related to HIV should be aligned with and

integrated into national HIV and other bloodborne

diseases monitoring systems.

References

1. Policy brief. HIV prevention, treatment and care in

prisons and other closed settings: a comprehensive

package of interventions. Vienna, United Nations Office

on Drugs and Crime, 2013 (http://www.unodc.org/

documents/hiv-aids/HIV_comprehensive_package_

prison_2013_eBook.pdf, accessed 16 November 2013).

2. Rapid advice: use of antiretroviral drugs for treating

pregnant women and preventing HIV infection in

infants. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2009

(http://www.who.int/hiv/pub/mtct/rapid_advice_mtct.

pdf, accessed 16 November 2013).

3. Health care worker safety. Geneva, World Health

Organization, 2003 (http://www.who.int/injection_

safety/toolbox/docs/AM_HCW_Safety.pdf, accessed

16 November 2013).

4. Post-exposure prophylaxis to prevent HIV infection:

joint WHO/ILO guidelines on post-exposure

prophylaxis (PEP) to prevent HIV infection. Geneva,

World Health Organization and International Labour

Organization, 2007 (http://whqlibdoc.who.int/

publications/2007/9789241596374_eng.pdf, accessed

16 November 2013).

5. Wiersma ST et al. Treatment of chronic hepatitis B

virus infection in resource constrained settings: expert

panel consensus. Liver International, 2011, 31(6):755–

765.

6. Interpretation of hepatitis B serologic test results [web

site]. Atlanta, GA, Centers for Disease Control and

Prevention, 2013 (http://www.cdc.gov/hepatitis/HBV/

PDFs/SerologicChartv8.pdf, accessed 16 November 2013).

7. HIV/AIDS. Consolidated guidelines on the use of

antiretroviral drugs for treating and preventing HIV infection

[web site]. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2013

(http://www.who.int/entity/hiv/pub/guidelines/arv2013/

download/en/index.html, accessed 16 November 2013).

8. WHO case definitions of HIV for surveillance and revised

clinical staging and immunological classification of

HIV-related disease in adults and children. Geneva,

World Health Organization, 2007 (http://www.

who.int/hiv/pub/guidelines/HIVstaging150307.pdf,

accessed 16 November 2013).

9. Effectiveness of interventions to address HIV in prisons.

HIV care, treatment and support. Geneva, World Health

Organization, 2007 (Evidence for Action Technical Paper)

(http://www.who.int/hiv/pub/prisons/e4a_prisons/en/

index.html, accessed 16 November 2013).

10. HIV/AIDS, Antiretroviral therapy [web site]. Geneva,

World Health Organization, 2013 (http://www.who.

int/hiv/topics/treatment/en/index.html, accessed

16 November 2013).

11. WHO Expert Consultation on Cotrimoxazole Prophylaxis

in HIV Infection. Report of a WHO Expert Consultation,

Geneva, 10–12 May 2005. Geneva, World Health

Organization, 2006 (WHO Technical Report Series)

(http://www.who.int/hiv/pub/meetingreports/ctxprop

hylaxismeeting.pdf, accessed 16 November 2013).

12. Guidelines for intensified tuberculosis case-finding

and isoniazid preventive therapy for people living

with HIV in resource-constrained settings. Geneva,

World Health Organization, 2011 (http://whqlibdoc.

who.int/publications/2011/9789241500708_eng.pdf,

accessed 16 November 2013).

13. EASL clinical practice guidelines: management of

chronic hepatitis B. Journal of Hepatology, 2009,

50:227–242 (http://www.easl.eu/assets/application/

files/b73c0da3c52fa1d_file.pdf, accessed 16 November

2013).

14. EASL clinical practice guidelines: management of

hepatitis C virus infection. Journal of Hepatology, 2011,

55:245–264 (http://www.easl.eu/assets/application/

files/4a7bd873f9cccbf_file.pdf, accessed 16 November

2013).

Further reading

HIV/AIDS prevention, care, treatment, and support in

prison settings: a framework for an effective national

response. Vienna, United Nations Office on Drugs and

Crime, 2006 (http://www.unodc.org/pdf/HIV-AIDS_

prisons_July06.pdf, accessed 16 November 2013). This

document provides a framework for mounting an effective

national response to HIV in prisons, based on the evidence

reviewed in the Evidence for Action Technical Paper and

on accepted international standards and guidelines.

HIV and AIDS in places of detention. A toolkit for

policymakers, programme managers, prison officers and

55

HIV and other bloodborne viruses in prisons

health care providers in prison settings. New York, NY,

United Nations, 2008 (http://www.unodc.org/documents/

hiv-aids/V0855768.pdf, accessed 16 November 2013).

HIV testing and counselling in prisons and other closed

settings. Vienna, United Nations Office on Drugs and

Crime, 2009 (Policy brief) (http://www.unodc.org/

documents/hiv-aids/UNODC_WHO_UNAIDS_2009_

Policy_brief_HIV_TC_in_prisons_ebook_ENG.pdf,

accessed 16 November 2013).

Policy brief. Reduction of HIV transmission in prisons.

Geneva, World Health Organization, 2004 (http://www.

who.int/hiv/pub/prisons/e4a_prisons/en/index.html,

accessed 16 November 2013).

WHO guidelines on HIV infection and AIDS in prisons.

Geneva, World Health Organization, 1993 (http://

whqlibdoc.who.int/hq/1993/WHO_GPA_DIR_93.3.pdf,

accessed 16 November 2013).

Women and HIV in prison settings. Vienna, United Nations

Office on Drugs and Crime, 2008 (http://www.unodc.org/

documents/hiv-aids/Women%20and%20HIV%20in%20

prison%20settings.pdf, accessed 16 November 2013).

56

8. TB prevention and control care in prisons

Masoud Dara, Dato Chorgoliani, Pierpaolo de Colombani

Key points

• TB in prisons is a major public health problem in many

settings, particularly in countries with a high incidence

of TB.

• The TB notification rate in prisons ranges from 11 to

81 times higher than in the general population. The

situation is worsened by the emergence and spread

of drug-resistant TB, particularly multidrug-resistant

(MDR) and extensively drug-resistant (XDR) TB.

• Prompt detection of TB among prisoners should be

ensured through a combination of screening methods

(screening on entry, mass screening at regular

intervals, passive screening, contact screening)

based on clinical questionnaires, chest X-rays, smear

microscopy and self-referrals.

• The implementation of new, rapid diagnostic methods

such as Xpert MTB/RIF is an important breakthrough in

the fight against TB and (X)MDR.

• Drug susceptibility testing (DST) should be performed

on all patients with treatment adapted to the resistance

pattern to help further amplification of resistance.

• Effectiveness is improved when treatment is

administered under the direct observation of health

care staff and in line with national TB programme

(NTP) guidelines.

• Adequate procurement, supply and management of

quality medication and effective administration should

be in place. Airborne infection control, including

protective measures for staff, should be ensured, and

provider-initiated HIV counselling and testing to detect

HIV and TB/HIV co-infected individuals should be

promoted to provide the necessary support and care.

• Continuity of care is imperative for released prisoners

who are on treatment and for individuals who are on

treatment before entering the prison services.

• TB control is strengthened in prison-based programmes

by raising awareness of TB among prisoners and prison

medical and non-medical staff through continuous

educational activities.

• Operational research should be promoted to contribute

to evidence-building for effectiveness.

Introduction

TB is a major global health and public health problem.

There are clear challenges in two regions of the world:

Africa (where there is also a high prevalence of HIV

infection) and eastern Europe. In eastern Europe, the

situation is serious due to MDR and XDR forms of TB

and inadequate responses by health systems, leading

to poor case management and the further emergence

of drug-resistant cases. The situation in parts of Europe

and central Asia has recently been aggravated by

the increasing prevalence of HIV infection in certain

populations, which considerably increases the risk of

active TB in those infected with both TB and HIV (1).

The scourge of TB in prisons remains a persistent

problem. The occurrence of active TB in prisons is

generally reported to be much higher than the average

levels reported for the corresponding general population.

In the last survey of TB control in Europe, undertaken

in 2006, it was estimated that European prisons notify

TB at an average rate of 17 times more than in the

population at large, ranging between 11 times more in

western Europe to 81 times more in eastern Europe (2).

TB in prisons is a major cause of death and constraint for

TB control in the civilian system, especially in countries

with a high incidence of TB.

High levels of TB in prison populations are likely to be

attributable to the fact that a disproportionate number of

prisoners are from population groups already at high risk

of TB infection and TB disease, such as people who inject

drugs, homeless people, mentally ill individuals, people

returning to prison and undocumented immigrants from

areas with a high incidence of TB.

Prison settings, where segregation criteria are based

on crime characteristics rather than on public health

concerns, may facilitate transmission. Overcrowding,

late detection and treatment of infectious cases,

frequent transfers between prisons and poor airborne

infection control measures are all factors contributing to

transmission of TB (3). Prisoners may be at higher risk of

TB disease following a recent infection or reactivation

of latent infection through co-immune-depressing

pathologies, particularly HIV infection, intravenous

drug use and poor nutritional status (4). Moreover,

prisons represent a reservoir for transmission of the

disease to the community at large through prison staff,

visitors and close contacts of released prisoners with

still active TB disease (5). The transmission dynamics

between prisoners and the general population have

been hypothesized as playing a key role in driving

overall population-level incidence, prevalence and

mortality rates of TB. Neglecting TB prevention

57

TB prevention and control care in prisons

and control in prisons settings can, therefore, carry

serious consequences for both prisoners and the

general population, especially in countries with poorly

performing NTPs and high incarceration rates.

On 13 October 2010, the Global Plan to Stop TB 2011–

2015 was launched by the Stop TB Partnership (a

coalition of more than 1000 organizations worldwide),

with the aim of halving TB mortality and prevalence

rates by 2015 compared to the 1990 baseline (6). One of

the main objectives in achieving this aim is to ensure the

early diagnosis of all TB cases, including in vulnerable

populations such as prisoners.

In 2013, the International Union against Tuberculosis and

Lung Disease published an official statement urging health

authorities, national and international technical agencies,

civil society organizations and donor agencies to prioritize

the prevention and control of TB in prison settings, with

recommendations for 12 points for action (7).

Transmission

TB is an infectious disease caused by a bacillus named

Mycobacterium tuberculosis. Transmission occurs by

airborne droplets produced by coughing, sneezing or

talking that are subsequently inhaled by contact people

(8). The risk of inhalation increases when several

coughing people are kept in a small, unventilated room.

The risk of TB being transmitted in settings in which

people are in close contact (as in prisons and hospitals) is

particularly high. Thus, prisons provide ideal conditions

for TB transmission.

In general, about 30% of contact people that inhale bacilli

become infected. But in prisons with overcrowding, twice

as many contacts or more could become infected (9).

Smoking seems to aggravate the risk of becoming infected.

How are people exposed to TB? Exposure results from

breathing the air containing the M. tuberculosis. Once

an infectious TB patient breathes, sneezes or coughs,

mycobacteria are spread in the air which can be inhaled

by a healthy individual. Three factors play a role: the

number of infectious patients, the duration of their

infection and the intensity of the contact with them.

Thus, by reducing the duration of infectiousness, or

the contacts between infectious TB patients (such as

prisoners), exposure can be reduced.

Despite being infected with M. tuberculosis, a person

can stay healthy and never become sick. Most will

remain at the stage of subclinical infection. That means

they have been infected but are healthy. Only about 10%

will progress to disease, of whom half will develop an

infectious form of TB, while the other half will develop a

non-infectious form.

However, when a person’s immune system is affected

(through, for example, HIV infection, chemotherapy for

cancer, old age, stress or imprisonment), the infected

person will be more likely to develop TB disease. TB

can affect any organ or part of the body, but especially

the lungs. The pulmonary form of TB is that which is

infectious through transmission of airborne droplets.

Indoors, droplets produced by coughing or sneezing can

remain airborne for extended periods of time, especially

if the ventilation is poor.

When no treatment is available, at least half of those

with TB disease die within two years. Some may heal

spontaneously and others become chronic cases that

continue to transmit the disease.

Five factors in the spread of TB in prisons are described

in the Guidelines for control of tuberculosis in prisons

(10), as follows.

Prisons receive TB. Prisoners mainly come from

communities with high rates of TB, unhealthy lifestyles

and addictions. As a result of ignorance or lack of means,

they may enter prisons with untreated TB. Moreover,

conditions for drug resistance are often created when

prisoners arrive with partially treated TB or their

treatment is interrupted upon arrival.

Prisons concentrate TB. Overcrowding, poor ventilation

(lack of windows, or covering them to block cold air

entering the cell) and prolonged incarceration inside

prison cells are all factors conductive to the transmission

of airborne infection. If a TB patient in the community

can infect 15–20 people a year, a TB patient in prison

could infect significantly more.

Prisons disseminate TB. In many countries, the lack

of funding and management and the absence of

laboratories and trained staff result in TB cases going

undetected. Individuals with undetected TB can easily

disseminate TB inside the prison system as they often

move from one prison to another.

Prisons make TB worse. Several factors contribute

to the worsening of TB disease in prison, including

delayed diagnosis (caused by, for example, absence

of entry screening, lack of trained staff and overload

of medical personnel by overwhelming numbers of

prisoners entering the system, weak infrastructure, bad

organization of laboratory services and disruption of

drug supply) and frequent interruptions to or incomplete

58

Prisons and health

treatment (medical records do not always follow

prisoners during regular prison transfers or on release).

Many factors occurring in prison might worsen poor

treatment outcome: malnutrition, drug addiction, mental

stress, poorly treated co-morbid diseases (such as HIV,

diabetes and hepatic insufficiency) and factors related to

weak health services in the system.

Prisons export TB. Prisoners may export disease to the

outside world through contact with prison staff and

visitors, as well as when prisoners are released who

have not finished their treatment. Prisons are reservoirs

for the transmission of resistant forms, especially as

release often takes place during the lengthy period of

MDR-TB treatment (18–24 months).

What can be done to reduce the risk of transmission of

TB? Interventions to interrupt the cycle of transmission

can be directed at: (i) preventing transmission of TB

from people with infectious TB to their contacts; and

(ii) preventing the disease from developing once any

contacts have become infected. To prevent transmission,

early case detection, immediate and adequate treatment

and infection control interventions are needed. To

prevent infected contacts from developing active

disease, preventive chemotherapy should be considered.

Case-finding

Case detection is one of the core elements of TB control.

If conducted properly, systematically and effectively and

followed by an adequate treatment regimen, it could

lead to a reversal of the growing incidence of TB and to

a reduction in TB mortality.

There are two strategies for case-finding: (i) through selfreferral

and passive case-finding during incarceration;

and (ii) through regular active case-finding during

incarceration.

Passive case-finding

Passive case-finding examines TB suspects (individuals

who have had a cough for three weeks or more) among

people who spontaneously visit health centres seeking

care for respiratory symptoms. It presumes that there

is complete access to health services, without which

there may be delays in case-finding. For case-finding to

be effective, patients must be aware that the symptoms

they experience may be symptoms of TB and that TB can

be treated. They must be willing to seek diagnosis and

treatment and must be able to access TB care. Educating

everyone in prison about TB is, therefore, important.

Passive case-finding may, however, have limited success

in prisons. Some inmates may be afraid to come forward,

fearing the repercussions of a diagnosis of TB such as

stigma, a delay in release or a transfer to another prison.

TB disease may indeed be a reason to transfer a prisoner

to a better setting, so there could be a secondary gain

for some prisoners to try to be diagnosed with TB.

Sometimes inmates may not be allowed to seek care

because of their place in the internal prisoner hierarchy.

Active case-finding

Active case-finding involves the screening of prisoners

at different points during their incarceration and the

use of various methods, including questionnaires, chest

radiography, tuberculin skin testing and immunoglobulin

gamma interferon assay (IGRA), or a combination of

these methods.

In prisons, passive and active case-finding should

be carried out simultaneously and systematically. A

combination of these two approaches will substantially

increase case detection.

Some of the advantages and disadvantages of conducting

passive and active case-finding are detailed in Table 4.

Screening strategies

How screening activities should be implemented

depends on many factors, including the type of facility,

the prevalence of TB infection and disease in the facility,

the prevalence of TB in the inmates’ communities, the

prevalence of other risk factors for TB (such as HIV)

in the inmate population and the average length of

stay of inmates in the facility. The type of screening

recommended for a particular facility is determined by

an assessment of the risk of TB transmission within that

facility (11).

Screening for TB on entry

The revised European Prison Rules (12) state that

prisoners are entitled to a medical examination at the

point of first admission (§42) and that prison authorities

have to safeguard the health of all prisoners (§39).

Screening on entry is aimed at detecting undiagnosed

TB (among other things) and identifying patients who

were receiving treatment before incarceration to ensure

that they complete their treatment.

Medical screening on entry into the prison system is

essential, as many prisoners come from communities

with a high prevalence of TB. Prisoners should not enter

the body of the prison population until it has been verified

that they do not have infectious TB. When possible,

newly arrived prisoners should not be housed with other

inmates until they have been properly screened for TB.

59

TB prevention and control care in prisons

This initial and temporary segregation is an opportune

time to check for TB.

Entry screening should be documented on the screening

register and must be followed up with standard

procedures for diagnosis and treatment.

Contact investigation

In prisons, TB contacts are persons who share air for

prolonged periods with an active TB case. These include

the following: all prisoners who sleep in the same cell

or housing unit as the TB patient, prisoners who spend

time in closed or poorly ventilated work areas inside

the prison, prisoners who interact with the TB patient

during recreational activities, prison staff who come into

contact with a TB case and visitors.

The Guidelines for control of tuberculosis in prison

recommend (10) screening for TB among contacts of

sputum-smear-positive cases, as these patients are

infectious. Contacts should be identified through an

interview with the patient regarding his social network

and daily activities to help to identify groups of contacts

who might be exposed. The next step will be contact

investigation by sputum-smear microscopy or chest

radiography.

Passive case-finding Active case-finding

Advantages

Table 4. Advantages and disadvantages of passive and active case-finding

• Identifies cases missed through other case-finding

measures (such as entry screening, contact

investigation, mass screening or surveys).

• Identifies cases who develop TB after entry.

• Is relatively less expensive and simpler for

programmes to implement.

Disadvantages

• Relies on patients’ readiness to attend medical

services for evaluation (self-referral).

• May result in delayed case-finding and initiation of

treatment, with prolonged chances of transmission

to others.

• May result in advanced disease that can be more

difficult to treat.

• May be biased by internal regulating mechanisms

among prisoners (for example, bullying or

corruption) leading to a denial of access to the

medical ward to certain subgroups by the “prisoner

bosses”.

• Increases case notification; links the prison health

system to the NTP and feeds data into the system.

• Reduces delays and thus transmission through

immediate removal of infectious cases by

separating them from the general prison population

and providing effective treatment.

• If done early, makes it easier to treat patients

detected in the early stages of TB.

• Is likely to find prevalence rates much higher than

the prevalence rates outside the prison, which can

be a useful tool for advocacy.

• Increases duties and workload of the health staff in

prison, who are already limited in number and may

not be sufficiently motivated.

• Is a burden on the penal and public health care

system, which needs to support active case-finding

activities; the high cost may render these activities

unsustainable.

• Overburdens the capacity of local health centres

and hospital laboratories to respond to increases in

smear and culture examinations.

• Diverts funds from other directly observed

treatment, short course (DOTS) activities.

• Leads to potential over-diagnosis of TB, if diagnosis

is only based on radiography.

Source: Dara M et al (10).

60

Prisons and health

Mass screening

Mass screening means to check the whole population

of prisoners (or other segment of population) to identify

suspected cases of TB and confirm diagnoses by sputumsmear

or other examinations. Two factors are obligatory

with mass screening: it should cover the whole population

group, and rounds must be regular. In the prison system,

two massive screening rounds a year are ideal. This

strategy is very useful to find previously undetected

cases missed by passive case-finding. Mass screening

is not, however, recommended as the sole method of

case-finding in prisons. It is preferable to start with mass

screening in the initial phases of project implementation

and complement it with other screening strategies (on

entry, passive) to ensure that prisoners with TB who enter

prison or cases that occur between mass screening rounds

are detected properly. Moreover, regular mass screening

may not be sustainable in resource-limited settings due to

cost and other logistical barriers. Thus, this intervention

may be reserved to places where resources permit.

Screening methods

Symptom screening

Whenever possible, health care workers should conduct

screening by special questionnaire (10). The questionnaire

should be based on three crucial aspects: history of former

TB disease (previous treatment, interrupted treatment),

clinical symptoms and body/mass index. Prisoners who

have a previous history of TB and/or clinical symptoms

such as coughing for more than two weeks, sputum

production, fever, night sweats, loss of weight and

appetite, haemoptysis, chest pain and/or low body mass

index may be considered as suspects for TB. All prisoners

with signs or symptoms suggestive of TB should undergo

a thorough medical evaluation, with confirmation of the

diagnosis by smear investigation.

The questionnaire as a screening method can be used

widely, as it is less expensive than radiography, is rapid,

simple, does not require special equipment and is easy to

implement. Its major disadvantage is that the predictive

value of a positive test (the probability of smear-positive

TB occurring among those identified as suspects) is likely

to be low, resulting from a high false-positive rate for

the questionnaire. Thus, it is very important that casefinding

staff should be trained in interview techniques

and the correct completion of the questionnaire (10). A

standardized approach should be emphasized and staff

should avoid guiding a prisoner to one answer or another.

Merely giving the questionnaires to the prisoners for selfcompletion

is unacceptable. Symptom screening alone is

adequate and satisfactory in facilities with a minimal risk

of TB (those with a small population or no cases in the

previous year).

Screening through chest radiography

Many industrialized countries screen prisoners on entry

by chest radiography. Studies show the utility of such

screening in finding prisoners who would have been missed

by symptom screening alone (13). Prisoners with abnormal

chest radiography are then followed up with sputum

examination. Most east European countries use mobile

miniature radiography. Unfortunately, the overwhelming

majority are old-fashioned machines, produced 30–40

years ago, which causes significant logistical problems

and errors in reading and interpretation. The use of mobile

miniature radiography is not recommended unless it is

digital, which provides a high-quality image.

Digital radiographs (miniature or full-size) provide

enhanced imaging and improved storage and readability. A

miniature radiograph can be performed in under a minute

and exposes the patient to approximately one tenth of the

radiation dose of a conventional radiograph. One cost–

effectiveness analysis of miniature chest radiography

for TB screening on admission to jail indicated that

more cases were detected with this method than either

tuberculin skin test or symptom screening, and the cost

of radiograph screening was less per case detected (14).

The extent to which radiological screening is used in a

given institution should be dictated by multiple factors,

including: the local epidemiological characteristics of

TB disease; inmates’ length of stay; the ability of the

health-care professionals in the facility to conduct careful

histories, tuberculin skin or QuantiFERON-TB Gold testing

and cross-matches with state TB registries; and the right

time for the radiographic study and its interpretation.

Screening with chest radiographs might be appropriate in

certain jails and detention facilities that house substantial

numbers of inmates for short periods and serve populations

at high risk of TB (such as those with a high prevalence of

HIV infection or history of injection-drug use and foreignborn

persons from countries with a high prevalence of

TB). In facilities where routine radiographic screening for

all inmates is not carried out, a chest radiograph should

be part of the initial screening of HIV-infected patients

(often missed at a sputum-smear screening because of

infiltrative TB infection in their lungs) and those who are

at risk of HIV infection but whose status is unknown (11).

Other screening methods

The tuberculin skin test and IGRA are used for the detection

of latent TB infection. Countries with a low incidence

of TB sometimes use tuberculin skin test and IGRA in

correctional institutions (11). Tuberculin skin test and

IGRA can only indicate an infection but not active disease.

The use of these tests is not, therefore, recommended in

prisons in countries with a high incidence of TB, where

most prisoners are already infected with TB and the

61

TB prevention and control care in prisons

priority for TB control programmes is to detect and treat

active TB cases.

Clinical features of TB

The disease starts in the lungs after inhalation and is

most frequently manifested in the lungs as pulmonary

TB. An immune system response causes the formation

of abscesses in the lung’s parenchyma. As long as these

abscesses are contained, there is little risk of transmission

(closed TB), but if these abscesses break through into the

airways, the infectious content will be coughed up (open

TB). Abscesses contain billions of bacilli so that people

with open TB are highly infectious. About 50–0% of

people with TB eventually become infectious. In cases

with weak immune defences that prevent the formation of

an abscess (such as HIV infection), the lung’s parenchyma

has a more diffusive inflammation which does not damage

airways and bacilli do not break through. These cases are

less infectious.

The bloodstream can carry bacilli to other parts of the

body situation, which occurs in about 15–0% of people

with TB. Almost all organs can be affected and sometimes

serious illnesses, such as meningitis or septicaemia, may

occur.

The most important symptoms of active TB are cough,

haemoptysis, chest pain, breathlessness, fever, night

sweats, fatigue and loss of appetite (8,9). Productive

cough is the most common symptom of pulmonary TB. The

presence of a cough is, however, non-specific: having the

cough for three weeks or more is a criterion for defining

the patient suspected of TB disease.

Diagnosis

Chest radiography

The introduction of radiography as a diagnostic and

screening tool was an important landmark in the

knowledge of the natural history and diagnosis of TB in

humans. Practical experience and some studies have,

however, proved that no radiographic picture is absolutely

typical of TB (15). Many diseases of the lungs show a

similar radiographic appearance and can easily imitate

TB. Chest radiography can undoubtedly be very helpful in

localizing abnormalities in the lung and indicative lesions

of TB, but only bacteriology can provide the final proof of

TB.

The efficacy of chest radiography is determined largely

by the reader’s ability to detect abnormal opacities and

interpret them correctly. This ability varies from one

reader to another (inter-individual variation). It also

happens that a reader may, on first examination of a film,

see abnormalities that he/she does not see after a week

or so when re-examining the same film. On the other

hand, at the second reading, the reader may find new

abnormalities on a film that were not seen at the previous

examination (intra-individual variation).

The high number of false TB cases over-diagnosed by

chest X-ray largely exceeds the number of those missed by

smear microscopy. Moreover, X-ray and mobile miniature

fluorography are expensive, require specially trained

technicians and may face interruption in services in some

settings due to breakdown of equipment, lack of spare

parts and repair experts, scarcity of films and shortage of

electricity.

The most important indication for chest radiography is

when there are negative sputum smears by microscopy

(two negative smears, or at least one culture negative,

or both) but a clinical suspicion of TB. The diagnosis of

bacteriologically negative TB is, therefore, presumptive

and must be based on epidemiological and clinical

information and failure to respond to a full course

of broad-spectrum antibiotics to exclude other lung

infections. A chest X-ray is also required if the patient has

breathing difficulties, haemoptysis or suspected pleural or

pericardial effusion, or may need specific treatment (such

as pneumothorax). Radiography also plays an essential

role in the diagnosis of TB in HIV-positive patients who

may not have abnormalities in X-ray (12–4%). Digital

radiography has the advantage of producing instant

results which can be assessed remotely through an online

transfer of the image.

Sputum-smear microscopy

Direct sputum-smear microscopy certainly has some

technical shortcomings, but its operational advantage is

obvious. That a diagnosis of TB (in persons producing large

amounts of bacilli) may be established with certainty and

chemotherapy started on the same day is without doubt

the greatest advantage of smear microscopy. Direct smear

microscopy is not, however, sensitive enough to detect TB

bacilli in sputum when the number of bacilli is small. It

requires a high volume of bacilli in the specimen (around

10 000 per ml) to be read positive by an experienced

laboratory technician. Direct smear microscopy is

comparatively inexpensive and fast, does not require

sophisticated equipment and can be carried out by trained

technicians in primary care settings. Consequently, it is

the method of choice for early identification of TB cases in

low-resource settings.

Sensitivity for detection of TB bacilli in sputum

increases substantially if the sputum is concentrated

(decontaminated and centrifuged) and stained with

fluorescent solutions (such as auramine O). Slides can

62

Prisons and health

then be observed through a special microscope, such as

a fluorescent or a light-emitting diode microscope. This

technique requires lower magnification while examining

the slides and reduces the time of observation. Thus,

more slides can be read in less time. Prisoners suspected

of having pulmonary TB should submit two samples to

establish a diagnosis of TB. It is preferable to obtain early

morning sputum as this is more likely to contain tubercle

bacilli. The way sputum is produced is also very important.

Sputum samples should be submitted following instructions

from and under the supervision of a health care worker to

ensure sampling with the right technique and from the right

person. Samples should be collected in a well-ventilated

area (better outdoors). In some prison settings, inmates

may exchange their sputum samples or use other practices

to get positive results from the sputum smear, so staff need

to observe the production of the sample, using personal

protective measures (filter face-piece 2 or N95 respirators)

and/or other infection control measures.

Culture

Culturing a specimen means growing the bacilli on media,

which are substances that contain nutrients, in the

laboratory. Lowenstein Jensen is the most frequently used

solid media. Not all TB patients have positive smears. If

there are only a few bacilli in the sputum (around 10–20)

the smear will appear negative but the culture will usually

be positive. A positive culture is proof of TB. The isolation

of TB bacilli in sputum (and other clinical specimens)

through culture, with further biochemical or molecular

tests for identification, constitutes a definitive diagnosis

of TB. The sensitivity of the culture is substantially higher

than that of smear microscopy; sputum-smear microscopy

detects only up to 50% of culture-confirmed pulmonary

TB cases. The technical superiority of culture over smear

microscopy is largely due to quantitative factors. Usually

only about 1–3% of the smear is examined by microscopy,

whereas in the culture tube the whole yield of colonies

may be seen practically at a glance. Although a large

proportion of organisms are destroyed by decontamination

procedures, the quantitative differences are still so large

that the probability of finding bacilli by culture is many

times greater than it is by direct smear microscopy. The

importance of its use to confirm disease should, therefore,

be emphasized, especially among HIV-infected individuals,

who are frequently smear-negative.

Additionally, this method allows for identification of

drug-susceptibility patterns, which is crucial for guiding

therapeutic management. Culture and DST should,

therefore, be considered for all TB patients who are

suspected of being infected with multidrug-resistant

strains. Culture is part of the routine work-up when

evaluating TB suspects in industrialized countries.

However, important factors limit the widespread use

of culture in developing countries. Traditional culture

methods in solid media (Lowenstein-Jensen) require

decontamination, homogenization and centrifugation

of samples, which implies more equipment (such as a

centrifuge and biosafety cabinets) and higher maintenance

costs. Personnel require more training. These procedures

produce more aerosols containing the TB bacilli, so the

laboratory staff have to be adequately protected. The

growth of TB bacilli in solid media can be observed within

four to six weeks. More rapid culture results may be

obtained through the use of automated or semiautomatic

methods that make use of liquid media. These include

the mycobacteria growth indicator tube (the BACTEC

MGIT 960 system can detect results as early as one to

two weeks) and molecular line probe assay, which can

indicate the presence of M. tuberculosis within 12 hours.

Laboratories carrying out culture (especially rapid

diagnostic methods) and DST need safety measures

for staff. Such facilities are expensive to build and run,

and maintenance and running costs may render them

inaccessible to some TB programmes in prisons.

Alternatively, an adequate network of smear microscopy

sites should be set up inside the prison system, so that

peripheral prisons/colonies have easy and rapid access

and the number of tests carried out is still sufficient

to ensure adequate quality. The network in the prison

system should be coordinated with the network of outside

laboratories in the civilian sector and should be part of a

laboratory quality assurance system.

Xpert MTB/RIF diagnostic molecular test

The development of the Xpert MTB/RIF assay for the

GeneXpert platform was completed in 2009 and is

considered an important breakthrough in the fight against

TB. For the first time, a molecular test is simple and robust

enough to be introduced outside conventional laboratory

settings. Xpert MTB/RIF detects M. tuberculosis as well

as rifampicin resistance-conferring mutations using

three specific primers and five unique molecular probes

to ensure a high degree of specificity. The assay provides

results directly from sputum within 100 minutes, even in

sputum-smear negative samples.

WHO strongly recommends that Xpert MTB/RIF should

be used as the initial diagnostic test in individuals

suspected of having MDR-TB or HIV-associated TB (16).

The recommendations apply to the:

• use of Xpert MTB/RIF in sputum specimens (including

pellets from decontaminated specimens) (data on the

utility of Xpert MTB/RIF in extrapulmonary specimens

are still limited);

63

TB prevention and control care in prisons

• use of one sputum specimen for diagnostic testing,

acknowledging that multiple specimens increase the

sensitivity of Xpert MTB/RIF but have major resource

implications;

• use in children, based on the generalization of data

from adults and acknowledging the limitations of

microbiological diagnosis of TB (including MDR-TB) in

children.

Access to conventional microscopy, culture and DST is

still needed for monitoring therapy, for prevalence surveys

and/or surveillance, and for recovering isolates for drug

susceptibility testing other than rifampicin (including

second-line anti-TB drugs).

WHO’s analyses of progress towards meeting the

projected diagnostic targets in the Global Plan to Stop TB,

2011–2015 (6) show that:

• for MDR-TB: implementing Xpert MTB/RIF to meet

diagnostic targets for MDR-TB will cost less than

conventional culture and DST for diagnosis of MDRTB,

both globally and in varied country settings,

requiring less than 1% of current funding for TB

control;

• for HIV-associated TB: the cost of testing all HIVpositive

individuals suspected of having TB will

be similar to the cost of conventional culture for

diagnosis of TB, requiring 1–2% of current funding

for TB control and amounting to <1% of current

expenditure on HIV care in several countries with

high burdens of TB-HIV;

• testing all persons suspected of having TB will be

strongly dependent on screening and diagnostic

algorithms at the country level; in both low- and

middle-income countries, pre-test screening strategies

should be considered to optimize the efficiency and

cost of Xpert MTB/RIF.

WHO recommends that the following groups of people

should receive Xpert MTB/RIF tests as a primary

diagnostic test:

• people who have been treated with anti-TB drugs and in

whom pulmonary TB has again been diagnosed, that is,

all retreatment categories (failure, default, relapse);

• people suspected of having pulmonary TB and considered

to be at risk of harbouring MDR-TB bacilli (risk groups as

per national policies or as defined in WHO’s Guidelines

for the programmatic management of drug-resistant

tuberculosis, emergency update 2008 (17));

• all people living with HIV who have signs or symptoms

of TB, those seriously ill and suspected of having TB

regardless of HIV status, and those with unknown HIV

status presenting with strong clinical evidence of HIV

infection in HIV-prevalent settings.

Xpert MTB/RIF is suitable for use at district and subdistrict

level and should not be restricted to the central/

reference laboratory level only.

It is considered essential that, in eastern European

countries, Xpert MTB/RIF assay is placed in central

prison hospitals or special TB colonies or facilities where

prisoners receive TB treatment.

The introduction of Xpert MTB/RIF assay simplifies and

changes the diagnostic algorithm. In eastern European

prisons, where the X/MDR-TB level is significantly high, the

following algorithm is proposed: all prisoners suspected

of TB or X/MDR-TB should undergo smear investigation

by microscopy. Regardless of the smear status, every case

should receive the Xpert test (if resources are limited,

priority should be given to the MDR high-risk group).

Based on the results of the test, three groups should

be defined: (i) no TB further clinical management;

(ii) confirmed TB but no RIF resistance treat with firstline

drugs; (iii) confirmed TB with RIF resistance treat

with second-line drugs.

Although testing with Xpert MTB/RIF does not require

additional laboratory equipment, the sophisticated nature

of the device requires careful handling, that is, a stable

and uninterrupted electrical supply to avoid interruption

of the procedure and subsequent loss of results, security

against theft, adequate storage space for the cartridges,

dedicated staff to perform testing and biosafety

procedures similar to microscopy.

Treatment

The aims of treatment for TB are to cure the patient and

restore quality of life and productivity, to prevent death

from active TB or its late effects, to prevent relapse of TB,

to reduce transmission of TB to others and to prevent the

development and transmission of drug resistance.

There are five anti-TB first line drugs: rifampicin (R),

isoniazid (H), ethambutol (E), pyrazinamid (Z) and

streptomycin (S). Rifampicin and isoniazid are the most

powerful bactericidal medicines active against TB bacilli.

In prison settings, a daily treatment is recommended and

the whole process should be under the direct supervision

of a health-care worker (16). WHO recommends the use

of fixed-dose combination drugs as they are thought to

improve adherence, errors in prescribing are avoided and

the number of tablets to be ingested is reduced (18).

New patients (who have no history of previous TB

treatment or who have received anti-TB drugs for less

than one month) with pulmonary TB should receive

a regimen including six months of rifampicin. In the

64

Prisons and health

intensive phase the patient receives isoniazid, rifampicin,

pyrazinamide and ethambutol daily for two months, and

in the continuation phase isoniazid and rifampicin for four

months (2HRZE/4HR).

Since in many settings, particularly prisons, the risk of

drug-resistant TB may be high, it is highly recommended

that the resistant pattern of the strains the patient

is infected with is documented and the appropriate

treatment administered accordingly.

The treatment for patients who have previously been

treated is more complicated and depends mainly on

facilities’ diagnostic capacity. The Consolidated Action

Plan to Prevent and Combat Multidrug and Extensively

Drug-Resistant Tuberculosis in the WHO European Region

2011–015 sets a target for all previously treated patients

to have access to DST at the beginning of treatment by

2015 (19). The purpose is to identify MDR-TB as early

as possible so that the appropriate treatment can be

given. Specimens for culture and DST should, therefore,

be obtained from all previously treated TB patients at or

before the start of treatment. It is highly recommended

that people living with HIV and new TB cases in settings

with higher than 10% of MDR-TB among new cases

should be tested for drug susceptibility. If resources allow,

DST should be performed for all patients. It should be

performed for at least isoniazid and rifampicin.

The approach to the initiation of retreatment depends

on the laboratory capacity of the country/institution,

specifically when (or if) DST results are routinely available

for the individual patient. Countries using rapid molecularbased

DST will have results for rifampicin/isoniazid

available within one to two days; these results can be

used in deciding which regimen to start for the individual

patient.

The use of conventional DST methods yields results

within weeks (for liquid media) or months (for solid

media). Because of this delay, prison health facilities

using conventional methods will need to start an empirical

regimen while DST results are awaited and then modify

the regimen based on the DST results. Alternatively,

treatment might be started with the standard re-treatment

regimen, which includes streptomycin and lasts for eight

months (2HRZES/1HRZE/5HRE), and modified once the

DST results are available.

Where DST is not yet routinely available for individual

retreatment patients, an interim approach could be

implemented while the country is strengthening its

laboratory system. Under this exceptional circumstance,

an NTP/health ministry may consider a short-term policy of

directly starting patients from such a group on an empiric

MDR-TB regimen without confirmation of isoniazid and

rifampicin resistance. This is a temporary measure, while

the country is building the laboratory capacity to perform

routine DST for individual retreatment patients. Groups of

patients whose likelihood of MDR is medium or low will

receive the eight-month (full course) retreatment regimen

with first-line drugs (2HRZES/1HRZE/5HRE).

It is obvious that implementation of Xpert in prison

facilities will shorten the delay between date of diagnosis

and initiation of treatment. In fact, a doctor can diagnose

TB, determine whether the case is drug-resistant and

initiate treatment, all in one day.

MDR-TB

The European Region has the highest rate of MDR-TB in

the world, which illustrates the failure of health systems

to treat the disease effectively. Additionally, the social

determinants contributing to the emergence and spread

of the disease still prevail in most settings. People

living with HIV, migrants, prisoners and other vulnerable

populations are at most risk. Despite the availability of

new diagnostic techniques, only one third of estimated

MDR-TB cases are diagnosed, and only two thirds of these

are reported as receiving adequate treatment. Based on

a decision of the sixtieth session of the WHO Regional

Committee for Europe in 2010, the Consolidated Action

Plan to Prevent and Combat Multidrug and Extensively

Drug-Resistant Tuberculosis in the WHO European Region

2011–2015 (19) has been developed to strengthen and

scale up efforts to address the alarming problem of drugresistant

TB in the Region. Another important document

issued by WHO regarding MDR-TB is the 2011 update of

Guidelines for the programmatic management of drugresistant

tuberculosis (20).

An MDR-TB case is defined as a patient who is identified

as infected with a strain that is resistant to at least

isoniazid and rifampicin. XDR-TB is a case that is resistant

to isoniazid, rifampicin, plus any fluoroquinolone, and at

least one of three second-line injectables – amikacin,

kanamycin or capreomycin.

From a microbiological perspective, resistance is caused

by a genetic mutation that makes a drug ineffective

against the mutant bacilli. Although its causes are

microbial, MDR-TB essentially results from clinical and

programmatic mistakes.

There are three main causes of drug resistance:

mistakes caused by health care workers, inadequate

regimens: inappropriate guidelines, non-compliance

with guidelines, absent guidelines, poor training, no

65

TB prevention and control care in prisons

monitoring of treatment, poorly organized or funded

TB control programmes, poor adherence (or poor DOTs,

unmotivated staff);

inadequate supply or poor quality of medicine:

unavailability of certain medicines (stock-outs or

delivery disruptions), poor quality manufacturing, poor

storage conditions, wrong dose or combination;

inadequate medicine intake: poor adherence, lack of

information, lack of money (no treatment available free of

charge), lack of transport, adverse effects, social barriers,

malabsorption, substance dependency, disorders.

The only way to confirm MDR-TB and XDR-TB is through

DST of first- and second-line medicines, respectively. For

the purposes of the recommendation, the expert group

considered a rapid test as one providing a diagnosis of

resistance to isoniazid and rifampicin or rifampicin alone

within two days of specimen testing. Only molecular tests

can detect resistance so fast, of which two technologies

(line probe assay and Xpert MTB/RIF) are currently

recommended for use by WHO (20). Conventional DST of

cultured mycobacteria typically provides results within

one to three months.

The best strategy for averting deaths and preventing

acquired MDR-TB is to carry out DST in all patients before

treatment, using a rapid test that detects resistance to

isoniazid and rifampicin. The modelling work showed

that rapid testing of both isoniazid and rifampicin at the

time of diagnosis was the most cost-effective testing

strategy for any patient group or setting, even at very low

levels of resistance among TB patients. For previously

untreated patients, DST at the start of treatment was a

better strategy than waiting to test only those patients

who remained sputum-smear-positive later in the course

of their first-line treatment.

A short time to diagnosis may influence the composition of

a patient’s initial treatment and increase the likelihood of

starting appropriate treatment early. The likely benefits of

rapid DST include increased cure rates, decreased mortality,

reduced development of additional drug resistance, and a

reduced likelihood of failure and relapse (20).

In designing a treatment regimen, the following groups of

medicines might be used:

• first-line anti-TB drugs;

• second-line parenteral agent (injectable anti-TB

drugs): kanamycin, amikacin, capreomycin;

• fluoroquinolones: levofloxacin, moxifloxacin,

gatifloxacin, ofloxacin;

• oral bacteriostatic second-line anti-TB drugs:

ethionamide, prothionamide, cycloserine, terizidone,

p-aminosalicylic acid;

• group 5 drugs: clofazimine, linezolid, amoxicillin/

clavulanate, thioacetazone, clarithromycin, imipenem.

According to WHO’s latest recommendations (20) for the

treatment of patients with MDR-TB:

• a fluoroquinolone should be used;

• a later-generation fluoroquinolone rather than an

earlier-generation fluoroquinolone should be used;

• ethionamide (or prothionamide) should be used;

• four second-line anti-TB drugs likely to be effective

(including a parenteral agent), as well as pyrazinamide,

should be included in the intensive phase;

• regimens should include at least pyrazinamide, a

fluoroquinolone, a parenteral agent, ethionamide

(or prothionamide), and either cycloserine or

p-aminosalicylic acid if cycloserine cannot be used.

Compared to WHO’s previous recommendations, the last

version emphasized the following principles of treatment:

• include at least four second-line anti-TB drugs likely

to be effective as well as pyrazinamide during the

intensive phase of treatment;

• if no evidence is found to support the use of more

than four second-line anti-TB drugs in patients with

extensive disease, it is permissible to increase the

number of second-line drugs in a regimen if the

effectiveness of some of the drugs is uncertain;

• ethambutol may be used but is not included among the

drugs making up the standard regimen;

• group 5 drugs may be used but are not included among

the drugs making up the standard regimen.

The analysis (20) provided evidence of an association

between the success of treatment and the total length

of treatment and the length of the intensive phase.

In the treatment of patients with MDR-TB (who had

not previously received MDR-TB treatment), it is

recommended that there should be an intensive phase of

at least 8 months’ duration and total treatment duration of

at least 20 months.

Three options or types of treatment scheme are

recommended by WHO:

(i) standardized treatment: all patients receive the same

treatment regimen;

(ii) standardized treatment followed by individualized

treatment: initially all patients receive the same

regimen based on DST survey data for certain groups,

and later the regimen is adjusted based on DST

results;

(iii) empirical treatment followed by individualized treatment:

each regimen is individually designed on the

basis of the patient’s history and then adjusted when

DST results become available.

66

Prisons and health

These schemes use information obtained from DST

results and drug-resistance surveillance within the local

population. The latter can also be obtained from drugresistance

surveys.

Despite good progress in several countries, the prison

system is not fully included in the TB control network. There

are still wide differences in policy and administration,

including financial capacity, between ministries of health

and prison health authorities in many countries, leading to

unequal health care services.

The Consolidated Action Plan to Prevent and Combat

Multidrug and Extensively Drug-Resistant Tuberculosis in

the WHO European Region 2011–2015 has six strategic

directions and seven areas of intervention (19). In view

of the high prevalence of M/XDR-TB in prison settings,

prison health systems should follow all the steps defined

for the civilian sector, as only very close integration

between civilian and prison health systems guarantees

success countrywide. The Plan includes the following

special action to be taken in prison settings:

7.2 Strengthen MDR-TB control in prisons

Activity 7.2.1 The Regional Office, using the successful model

of its Health in Prison Project, will assist Member States in

continuously improving TB control in penitentiary services.

Activity 7.2.2 Member States will ensure that early diagnosis

and effective treatment of M/XDR-TB are available in all

penitentiary services across the Region by the first quarter

of 2013.

Activity 7.2.3 Member States will establish mechanisms for

the continuum of care for released prisoners receiving TB

treatment by the end of 2012.

TB/HIV co-infection

HIV is the strongest risk factor for developing TB disease

in those with latent or new M. tuberculosis infection. The

risk of developing TB is between 20 and 37 times greater in

people living with HIV than among those who do not have

HIV infection. TB is responsible for more than a quarter of

deaths among people living with HIV. In response to the

dual epidemics of HIV and TB, WHO has recommended 12

collaborative TB/HIV activities as part of core HIV and TB

prevention, care and treatment services (21).

Collaborative TB/HIV activities by NTPs and national HIV/

AIDS programmes should prioritize prisons, where the

prevalence of both diseases is higher. The goal of these

activities in prisons, as in any community, is to decrease

the burden of TB and HIV. The specific objectives of the

collaborative activities are threefold:

• to establish a mechanism for collaboration between

both programmes;

• to decrease the burden of TB in people living with HIV/

AIDS;

• to decrease the burden of HIV in TB patients.

There should be an adequate mechanism for collaboration

between TB and HIV/AIDS programmes at the local level

and district public health services, and both should include

prisons in their workplans. All activities implemented

in the community should also be made available for

prisoners. Collaborative activities include surveillance of

HIV among TB patients, joint planning and mobilization for

TB/HIV and capacity-building for TB/HIV.

It is recommended that provider-initiated voluntary HIV

testing and counselling of TB patients be implemented (22).

TB and HIV/AIDS programmes should coordinate TB/

HIV plans, and communicate and coordinate activities

in prisons to prevent duplication of work. The roles and

responsibilities of each programme and of the prison staff

need to be clearly defined, understood and monitored.

Capacity-building for public health and prison personnel

is crucial for delivering good quality and effective TB/

HIV interventions in prisons. The prison setting offers

the advantage that the same health staff carry out all

health-related activities and programmes; thus, a onestop

approach can be implemented for TB/HIV activities.

It is very important to involve different types of group,

nongovernmental organization and religious community in

educating and counselling suspected cases of TB.

Decreasing the burden of TB in people living with HIV is

referred to as the three I’s: intensified TB case-finding,

isoniazid preventive therapy (IPT) for HIV-infected people

and infection control.

In prisons, all individuals living with HIV should be

screened for TB either at the time of HIV diagnosis or

before starting ART, when TB is most likely to be detected.

In addition, intensified TB case-finding should be carried

out regularly thereafter (for example, every six months),

and can be done with the aid of a simple questionnaire,

often the same form used during entry screening of

prisoners (23). Intensified TB case-finding among HIVinfected

individuals prevents transmission and mortality,

reduces the risk of nosocomial transmission and offers an

opportunity for delivering IPT (24).

The latest WHO recommendations (24) regarding

intensified TB case-finding and IPT issued in 2011 are the

following.

67

TB prevention and control care in prisons

Adults and adolescents living with HIV should be screened

for TB with a clinical algorithm. Those who do not report

any one of the symptoms of current cough, fever, weight

loss or night sweats are unlikely to have active TB and

should be offered IPT.

Adults and adolescents living with HIV who have an

unknown or positive tuberculin skin test status and are

unlikely to have active TB should receive at least six

months of IPT as part of a comprehensive package of HIV

care. IPT should be given to such individuals irrespective

of the degree of immunosuppression, and also to those on

ART, those who have previously been treated for TB and

pregnant women (WHO also advises 36 months duration

taking into account the local epidemiology of TB and HIV

in settings with a high prevalence of TB in people living

with HIV).

Tuberculin skin test is not a requirement for initiating IPT

in people living with HIV. People living with HIV who have

a positive tuberculin skin test do, however, benefit more

from IPT.

The provision of IPT to people living with HIV does not

increase the risk of developing isoniazid-resistant TB.

Concerns regarding the development of isoniazid resistance

should not, therefore, be a barrier to providing IPT.

Decreasing the burden of HIV in TB patients includes

the following activities: HIV counselling and testing

of prisoners with TB, prevention of HIV transmission in

prisons, co-trimoxazole preventive therapy and effective

HIV treatment, care and support.

Prison health care workers should offer HIV counselling

and voluntary testing to prisoners, especially TB patients,

for several reasons: prisoners may want to know their HIV

status; access to ART is increasingly available in many

countries, including in prison populations; better diagnosis

and management of other HIV-related illnesses can be

achieved when the HIV status is known because some anti-

TB medicines are more suitable for HIV-positive individuals;

a better selection of medicines is possible when the

HIV status is clear; and prisoners can be given health

education to reduce high-risk activities and avoid further

HIV transmission. Counselling must be confidential and

done before and after the HIV testing. WHO recommends

provider-initiated HIV testing and counselling.

Preventing HIV transmission can contribute to the

prevention of TB. The behaviour mainly responsible for HIV

transmission in prisons is injecting drug use, unprotected

sex between men, and piercing and tattooing with

unhygienic tools. TB and HIV/AIDS programmes should

collaborate to implement comprehensive HIV strategies

that target sexual, parenteral and vertical transmission of

HIV. Measures to reduce the sexual spread of HIV include

promoting safer sexual behaviour and practices. The

provision of condoms and the prevention of rape, sexual

violence and coercion are recommended. Measures for

decreasing parenteral HIV transmission include ensuring

the use of sterilized injections and surgical equipment in

prison clinics. WHO and UNODC recommend that harm

reduction programmes, syringe and needle exchanges,

substitution therapy and education for prisoners about HIV

and drug-injecting should be introduced in settings with a

high HIV prevalence among injection drug users (22).

Co-trimoxazole preventive therapy reduces mortality

among smear-positive TB patients who are HIV-positive. It

also reduces hospitalization and morbidity among persons

living with HIV/AIDS. For TB patients, co-trimoxazole

prophylaxis should be initiated irrespective of the CD4

cell count.

Effective HIV treatment includes access to ART as part

of comprehensive HIV/AIDS care. ART is recommended

for all patients with HIV and drug-resistant TB requiring

second-line anti-TB drugs, irrespective of CD4 cell count,

as early as possible (ideally as early as two weeks, and

no later than eight weeks) following initiation of anti-TB

treatment (21).

The pooled individual patient data from longitudinal cohort

studies showed a lower risk of death and a higher likelihood

of cure and resolution of TB signs and symptoms in patients

using ART compared with those not using ART (25). The

strong recommendation for use of ART is based in part on

indirect evidence from its use in any patient with active TB,

which shows considerable beneficial effects and a very high

mortality when ART is not employed, particularly in highly

immune-compromised patients (CD4 cell count <50 cells/

mm3). In the absence of other data specific to patients with

drug-resistant TB receiving second-line anti-TB medication,

the decision on when to start ART should be no different

from the approach to the HIV-positive drug-susceptible TB

patient (25).

The successful implementation of this recommendation

will depend on the availability of more providers trained

specifically in the care of HIV, TB and drug-resistant TB

and drug–drug interactions. A substantial increase in the

availability of treatment and patients’ access to it will

probably be needed together with additional support for

ensuring adherence. The need for increased integration of

HIV and TB care for effective patient management, prompt

evaluation of adverse events and case-holding throughout

treatment will require more resources.

68

Prisons and health

In 2011, WHO issued recommendations and a plan of

action for improving TB/HIV collaborative mechanisms

in the Region (20,26). All these recommendations apply

to both civilian and prison populations, and include the

following action:

• the Regional Office will document best practices

and experiences in effective integration and service

delivery models for TB/HIV/drug dependence services;

• the Regional Office and other partners will support

training and education for HIV and TB health care

professionals on a regular basis;

• the Regional Office and other partners will support the

revision of national TB/HIV policies;

• Member States will establish a functional TB/HIV

coordinating mechanism to facilitate the delivery

of integrated TB and HIV (and drug use/narcology)

services within the same facilities, including in

prisons;

• Member States will develop directives to deliver

ART in TB dispensaries and TB treatment in AIDS

dispensaries (or relevant/appropriate facilities), where

these are lacking;

• all authorities under the ministries of health and

justice in Member States will expand access to

evidence-based harm reduction services, including TB

and HIV prevention, diagnosis and treatment services

for people living with or at risk of HIV, in particular

people who use or inject drugs;

• Member States will scale up the provision of TB

prophylactic treatment in all AIDS dispensaries as a

core HIV care intervention in line with internationally

recommended evidence-based policies;

• ministries of health will ensure the availability of

isoniazid in AIDS dispensaries as part of HIV care

intervention;

• national TB and HIV programmes and dispensaries will

actively engage with civil society partners to improve

access to integrated TB/HIV and, where appropriate,

harm reduction services for the most at-risk and

vulnerable populations.

TB infection control

TB infection control is a combination of measures aimed

at minimizing the risk of TB transmission. The basis of

such infection control is early and rapid identification of

individuals with suspected and known TB and effective

treatment of disease. TB infection control, as a component

of WHO’s revised Stop TB Strategy (6), is intended to

strengthen health systems.

Policy and service delivery areas related to TB infection

control (27) may be studied at four levels:

• managerial (organizational) control measures,

including the development of TB infection control

policy, strategic planning, advocacy, human resource

development, monitoring and evaluation, operational

research;

• administrative control measures, including early TB

case detection, TB screening, separation or isolation

of patients, cough etiquette and hygiene;

• environmental control measures, including natural

and mechanical ventilation, ultraviolet germicidal

irradiation;

• personal protection control measures, including

respirators and respiratory fit testing.

Several infection control measures could be conducted in

prisons (10):

• preventing the spread of infection from community

to prison by using intensified TB screening for new or

transferred prisoners and preparing special quarantine

blocks or cells (to be used for one or two weeks) for

new or transferred prisoners;

• preventing the transmission of TB infection from

one prisoner to other prisoners or to prison staff by:

(i) conducting contact investigations for TB suspects

and cases; (ii) improving infection control by carrying

out organizational, administrative and environmental

interventions in prisons; and (iii) using information,

education and communication for prisoners;

• preventing the infection of family members and the

community by released prisoners or prison staff by

examining prisoners before release and examining

prison staff regularly;

• establishing TB infection control in the community by

instituting early TB case detection and using effective

treatment.

Managerial activities in prisons

The full set of national managerial activities designed

for the civilian sector should also apply to congregate

settings. As a first step, policy-makers responsible for

prison settings should be made part of the coordinating

system for planning and implementing interventions to

control TB infection. In particular, the medical service of

the ministry of justice and correctional facilities should

be fully engaged and encouraged to implement TB

infection control. Overcrowding should be avoided in

prisons because it can lead to non-infected individuals

being exposed to TB. Prisons should be part of the

country’s surveillance activities and should be included

in assessment of facilities for TB infection control. Such

assessment will be useful in determining the level of risk

of the facility or building. Any advocacy and information,

education and communication material should include

a specific focus on prisons, as should monitoring and

evaluation activities. There is a great need for more

research on TB infection control in prisons.

69

TB prevention and control care in prisons

Facility-level managerial activities should also apply (with

some adaptation) to prisons. Ideally, each prison should

have a written TB infection control plan with a protocol

for the prompt recognition, separation and provision of

services for and investigation of TB, and referral of patients

with suspected or confirmed TB disease. A designated

infection control officer is responsible for overseeing

the implementation of infection control measures and

providing infection control training for health care and

other staff members who may be exposed to TB infection.

Monitoring and evaluation provide the means to assess

the quality, effectiveness, coverage and delivery of

infection control interventions and to ensure that

there is continuous improvement in the carrying out

of programmes. Monitoring and evaluation should

involve collaboration and sharing of indicators between

programmes (for example, programmes related to TB,

HIV, occupational health and infection control) and should

include links between prison and civilian health services,

particularly regarding the continuum of care and follow-up

of released prisoners with TB.

Administrative measures

The implementation of administrative interventions

in particular work practices has the highest possible

impact on preventing TB transmission and is usually

the least expensive measure and is, therefore, strongly

advocated in most settings. To decrease TB transmission

in prisons, cough etiquette and respiratory hygiene and

early identification, followed by separation and proper

treatment of infectious cases, should be implemented.

In particular, all inmates in long-term stay facilities

and inhabitants of other congregate settings should be

screened for TB on entry. People suspected of having

TB should be diagnosed as quickly as possible. Those

patients should always be separated and, if possible,

isolated in an adequately ventilated area until sputumsmear

conversion. In short-stay congregate settings, such

as jails and shelters, a referral system for proper case

management should be established.

In prisons with a high prevalence of HIV, patients living

with HIV and other forms of immune suppression should

be separated from those with suspected or confirmed

infectious TB. All staff and persons residing in the setting

should be given information and encouraged to undergo

HIV testing and counselling. If diagnosed with HIV, they

should be offered a package of prevention and care

that includes regular screening for active TB. Additional

measures for groups at high risk (such as injecting and

other drug users) should be ensured. In prisons with

patients having, or suspected of having, drug-resistant

TB, such patients should be separated from other patients

(including other TB patients) and referral for proper

treatment established.

Environmental controls

Buildings in congregate settings should comply with

national norms and regulations for ventilation in public

buildings and specific norms and regulations for prisons,

where these exist. It is recommended that the air change

rate should be no less than 6–12. Ideally, cells and wards

in prison hospitals should have large windows which

should be kept open often. When other environmental

control measures are not in place, the emphasis should

be on natural ventilation by maximizing the opening of

windows.

Well-designed, well-maintained and correctly operated

exhaust fans (mixed-mode ventilation) can help to obtain

adequate ventilation when sufficient air change per hour

cannot be achieved by natural ventilation alone.

In prisons in which there is a high risk of TB transmission

and where adequate ventilation cannot be achieved (for

example, because of design constraints or cold winters),

another option is the use of an upper room or shielded

ultraviolet germicidal irradiation device. If such a device

is used, fixtures should be designed to prevent injury from

improper use or tampering with the device.

Personal protective equipment in congregate

settings

In addition to carrying out administrative and environmental

controls, health-care workers may use respirators when

caring for patients with infectious TB. Respirators (N95 or

filter face-piece 2 equivalent or higher) provide reasonably

good protection against TB by filtering out microscopic

droplets and aerosols. The use of respirators provides

protection for health-care workers in close contact with

TB patients. This protection is particularly important when

health staff are supervising a cough-inducing procedure

(such as bronchoscopy) or sputum collection. Prisoners

who are TB patients should use surgical masks when

moving around inside the hospital.

Advocacy, communication and social

mobilization

Advocacy, communication and social mobilization

constitute the important component of the Stop TB

Strategy. Although such initiatives are mainly aimed at

the general population, their importance and applicability

in prisons cannot be underestimated. At the institutional

level, prison health authorities should address the

following key strategies: improving TB case detection

and compliance with treatment, combating stigma and

discrimination, empowering people affected with TB and

70

Prisons and health

mobilizing political commitment and resources to fight

TB.

Usually, patients must present themselves to the prison

health services when TB symptoms emerge (mainly in

institutions where no active case-finding is in place)

and adhere to treatment for at least six months. As

this approach (passive case-finding) relies on prisoners’

awareness of TB symptoms, delays in diagnosis and the

start of treatment are common in many settings. Studies

document that in prisons where educational sessions

are carried out (including talks, videos, flipcharts, other

educational materials, contests, question-and-answer

games), adherence to treatment improves and the cure

rate rises. Good results have also been also achieved by

involving peer educators (prisoners) (28).

Educational campaigns in prisons should be directed

against stigmatization and discrimination, which are the

greatest threats to TB programmes in both civilian and

prison populations, and involve the prison administration

as well as detainees.

In the fight against TB and HIV, it is highly recommended

that the prisoners should be involved in the development

and dissemination of educational programmes. Prisoners

might be engaged as peer educators and treatment

supporters and can play a crucial role in identifying TB

suspects. During the educational campaigns everybody

should be involved in designing and developing the

activities: prison administration, health staff and prisoners.

This kind of collaboration makes the information more

sensitive and appropriate to the prison context, increases

the sense of ownership among prisoners and contributes

to the continuity of the programme.

A complementary political commitment lies at the

core of efforts to establish and sustain effective TB

control strategies in prisons. The common denominator

of successful initiatives is the equal participation of

decision-makers, administrators and those responsible for

implementation in the public health and prison systems.

Policies that support ongoing and sustainable programmes

should be introduced, together with adequate resources to

build the capacity to translate such policies into effective

practice.

There must be political commitment at the various levels

of the NTP and of the prison system. In the public health

sector, the decentralization that has occurred in many

resource-constrained countries has shifted the planning

and resource allocation processes from the central level

to provincial and district authorities, limiting in many

instances the influence and involvement of the central

level. Thus, strong advocacy and the continuous fostering

of awareness are essential for TB services in prisons on

the periphery, and decision-makers at these levels should

become stakeholders in the programme to help ensure its

continuity

In the Roadmap to prevent and combat drug-resistant

tuberculosis (19), WHO addressed the challenges to the

implementation of advocacy, communication and social

mobilization activities in both the civilian and prison

sectors and developed a package of recommendations,

including the following:

• use the successful model of the HIPP to assist NTPs in

improving TB activities in the prison system;

• facilitate the adaptation and development of advocacy,

communication and social mobilization materials

appropriate to the country (and prison setting);

• use all forms of the media to inform, persuade and

generate action among the whole population or

targeted subpopulations (prisoners) about TB, and to

generate awareness of the challenge of M/XDR-TB

and thus the importance of prevention, increased and

speedy detection and completion of treatment;

• train (prison) health care staff in patient-centred

care and intrapersonal communication skills on a

regular basis to enable them to develop appropriate

consultation skills and supportive attitudes.

Continuum of care for released prisoners

Following release, prisoners face problems with housing,

unemployment, registration of residence, social stigma,

negligence and a cautious attitude by civil society.

Since released prisoners often give priority to these

competing issues over their health, they need to be

followed by the local health centre, NTP or organization

collaborating with the NTP. This follow-up often does

not happen: in eastern European countries, reportedly

around 60–70% of prisoners do not refer to TB facilities

after release. To minimize the interruption of treatment in

released prisoners, it is recommended that discharge or

referral planning, post-release follow-up, notification of

unplanned releases and monitoring of referrals should be

implemented (10).

Discharge or referral planning

Prison health staff, as case managers, should coordinate

the follow-up of released prisoners with the civilian

sector (district TB coordinators) regarding where prisoners

live after release, any available social support and

post-release assistance (with factors such as housing,

employment, continuation of treatment and psychological

support). An important factor is the education of family

members about the importance of the prisoner adhering

to treatment and the consequences of interruption. In this

71

TB prevention and control care in prisons

regard, peer educators play a significant role in educating

prisoners. While in treatment, prisoners with TB should

supply the addresses and telephone numbers of relatives

and family members and information about where they

plan to live.

Post-release follow-up

The following activities can contribute to an easy

transition. Prison health staff should complete a referral

form (part of the NTP’s information system forms) for the

prisoner to give to the local health centre staff where he/

she will continue treatment in the community. A copy

should be kept in the prison and a second copy sent to the

regional area or district NTP manager. The same procedure

applies to prisoners who are transferred to another prison;

wherever possible, the prisoner should be introduced

(preferably face to face) to the TB programme manager or

district TB programme supervisor who is responsible for

treatment and care in the community (local health centre

staff and district NTP). Post-release appointments should

be made at the local TB facility, and the prisoner supplied

on release with adequate TB drugs to last until the next

medical appointment.

Depending on local resources and capacity, prison and

NTP local staff can work with advocacy groups or private

or government-funded programmes to facilitate a safe,

supported transition for prisoners into the community.

Substance use, mental health conditions and poverty

affect health care. The greatest barriers to continuity of

care for TB lie with adherence to medication, housing,

social relationships and unemployment. Nongovernmental

organizations and churches working in prisons can play

crucial roles in helping to follow up prisoners undergoing

TB treatment after their release from prison. It is essential

to establish partnerships with them that include welldefined

tasks and responsibilities, and they should be

sought out and included in planning and monitoring

activities.

Notification of unplanned releases and unplanned

transfers

Unplanned releases (amnesty, etc.) often create problems

with the continuity of treatment. The prison administration

should inform the health staff about all scheduled and

unscheduled releases as soon as information becomes

available. Prompt remedial steps need to be taken in

collaboration with the local NTP supervisors to guarantee

that the released TB patients visit the local health centre

and continue therapy there. For this notification, prompt

communication via telephone, text messages and other

rapid methods are encouraged. The patient’s treatment

card (or a copy of it) must be sent to the receiving health

care facility that will follow up the patient.

A referral register is useful for monitoring and evaluating

referral and should include feedback. Registers are kept in

prisons or by district NTP supervisors or both. The important

indicator in monitoring released prisoners is the number of

released prisoners registered in civilian TB units.

References

1. Status paper on prisons and tuberculosis. Copenhagen,

WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2007 (http://www.

euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/69511/

E89906.pdf, accessed 20 November 2013).

2. Aerts A et al. Tuberculosis and tuberculosis control in

European prisons. International Journal of Tuberculosis

and Lung Disease, 2006, 10(11):1215–1223.

3. Baussano I et al. Tuberculosis incidence in prisons: a

systematic review. PLoS Medicine, 2010, 7(12).

4. Stuckler D et al. Mass incarceration can explain

population increases in TB and multidrug-resistant TB

in European and central Asian countries. Proceedings

of the National Academy of Sciences USA, 2008,

105:13280–13285.

5. Niveau G. Prevention of infectious disease

transmission in correctional settings: a review. Public

Health, 2006, 120:33–41.

6. Stop TB Partnership. Global Plan to Stop TB 2011–

2015. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2010.

7. Dara M et al. Time to act to prevent and control

tuberculosis among inmates. International Journal of

Tuberculosis and Lung Disease, 2013, 17(1):4–5.

8. Crofton J et al. Clinical tuberculosis. London,

MacMillan Education Ltd, 1992.

9. Moller L et al., eds. Health in prisons: a WHO guide

to the essentials of prison health. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2007 (http://www.euro.

who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/99018/E90174.

pdf, accessed 6 November 2013).

10. Dara M et al. Guidelines for control of tuberculosis

in prisons. Cambridge, MA, TB CAP, US Agency for

International Development, 2009 (http://pdf.usaid.gov/

pdf_docs/PNADP462.pdf, accessed 17 November 2013).

11. Prevention and control of tuberculosis in correctional

and detention facilities: recommendations from CDC.

Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 2006, 55(RR-9)

(http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/rr/rr5509.pdf, accessed

20 November 2013).

12. Recommendation No. R (2006) 2 of the Committee

of Ministers to member states on the European

Prison Rules. Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 2006

(https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.sp?id=955747, accessed

7 November 2013).

13. Saunders DL et al. Tuberculosis screening in the

federal prison system: an opportunity to treat and

prevent tuberculosis in foreign-born populations.

Public Health Reports, 2001, 116:210–218.

72

Prisons and health

14. Jones TF, Schaffner W. Miniature chest radiograph

screening for tuberculosis in jails: a cost effectiveness

analysis. American Journal of Respiratory and Critical

Care Medicine, 2001, 164:77–81.

15. Toman K. Tuberculosis. Case finding and chemotherapy.

Geneva, World Health Organization, 1979.

16. Rapid implementation of the Xpert MTB/RIF

diagnostic test. Technical and operational ‘Howto’

practical considerations. Geneva, World Health

Organization, 2011 (http://whqlibdoc.who.int/

publications/2011/9789241501569_eng.pdf, accessed

20 November 2013).

17. WHO guidelines for the programmatic management of

drug-resistant tuberculosis, emergency update 2008.

Geneva, World Health Organization, 2008 (http://

whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241547581_

eng.pdf, accessed 19 November 2013).

18. Treatment of tuberculosis: guidelines for national

programmes. Geneva, World Health Organization,

2003 (http://whqlibdoc.who.int/hq/2003/who_cds_

tb_2003313_eng.pdf, accessed 16 April 2014).

19. Dara M, Kluge H. Roadmap to prevent and combat

drug-resistant tuberculosis. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2011 (http://www.euro.

who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0014/152015/

e95786.pdf, accessed 8 November 2011).

20. Guidelines for the programmatic management of

drug-resistant tuberculosis. 2011 update. Geneva,

World Health Organization, 2011 (http://whqlibdoc.

who.int/publications/2011/9789241501583_eng.pdf,

accessed 19 November 2013).

21. Interim policy on collaborative TB/HIV activities. Geneva,

World Health Organization, 2004 (http://whqlibdoc.who.

int/hq/2004/WHO_HTM_TB_2004.330. pdf, accessed

20 November 2013).

22. Guidance on provider-initiated HIV testing and

counselling in health facilities. Geneva, World

Health Organization, 2007 (http://www.who.int/

hiv/pub/guidelines/9789241595568_en.pdf, accessed

20 November 2013).

23. A revised framework to address TB-HIV co-infection in

the Western Pacific. Geneva, World Health Organization,

2008 (http://www.wpro.who.int/publications/docs/TB_

HIV_framework_final.pdf, accessed 20 November 2013).

24. Guidelines for intensified tuberculosis case-finding

and isoniazid preventive therapy for people living

with HIV in resource-constrained settings. Geneva,

World Health Organization, 2011 (http://whqlibdoc.

who.int/publications/2011/9789241500708_eng.pdf,

accessed 20 November 2013).

25. Antiretroviral therapy for HIV infection in adults and

adolescents: recommendations for a public health

approach. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2010

(http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2010/978924159

9764_eng.pdf, accessed 20 November 2013).

26. Accelerating the implementation of collaborative TB/

HIV activities in the WHO European Region. Report

of the meeting by the World Health Organization

(Headquarters and Regional Office for Europe) in

collaboration with the TB/HIV Working Group of

the Stop TB Partnership. Geneva, World Health

Organization, 2011 (http://whqlibdoc.who.int/

hq/2010/WHO_HTM_TB_2010.9_eng.pdf, accessed

20 November 2013).

27. WHO policy on TB infection control in health-care

facilities, congregate settings and households. Geneva,

World Health Organization, 2009 (http://whqlibdoc.

who.int/publications/2009/9789241598323_eng.pdf,

accessed 20 November 2013).

28. Mangan JM. Establishing a national prison IEC

programme: the Honduras experience. In: Kimerling

ME. Tuberculosis in prisons and closed institutions.

Paper presented at a symposium at the 35th

International Union against Tuberculosis and Lung

Disease World Conference, Paris, France, October

2004.

73

9. Infectious diseases in prison

Sven Todts

Key points

• Infectious diseases are an important problem in prisons,

interacting dynamically with other problems of prisoners

such as mental illness, addiction or homelessness.

• Contextual factors such as overcrowding, limited access

to water or delays in diagnosis contribute to higher

transmission rates.

• Every prison health care service should have a

comprehensive vaccination programme for prisoners

and prison staff.

Introduction

An effective infectious disease strategy is impossible

without close collaboration between health care

staff and custodial staff. As elsewhere in the world,

prisoners in Europe have complex health needs, which

result from an amalgam of mental and physical illness,

unemployment, addiction and homelessness. Infectious

diseases are an important constituent of this amalgam.

The different elements do not exist as separate entities

but interact dynamically, as shown in the case study of

the dynamics between infections and mental illness

described by Rutherford (1). People with mental illness

are more likely to be infected with bloodborne viruses

because of risky behaviour such as homelessness,

rapidly changing moods and multiple partners. Brunette

notes that the treatment for hepatitis with interferon

can lead to depression and that people with mental

illness may be less able to cope with side-effects such

as fatigue (2).

Incoming prisoners are at higher risk of HIV, viral hepatitis,

STIs, TB and methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus

(3). Contextual factors inside prisons contribute to a

higher risk of transmission among prisoners. Among

these factors are overcrowding, delays in diagnosis and

treatment, limited access to water, soap or clean laundry

and lack of availability of harm reduction measures such

as condoms, clean tattooing equipment or syringes (4).

This chapter reviews the most important infectious

diseases apart from HIV and TB, which are discussed in

other chapters.

Influenza

Ever since Quinton described, for the first time, an

outbreak of influenza in Wandsworth prison (United

Kingdom) in 1890 (5), many more outbreaks have been

documented. In fact, the 1918 outbreak in the prison of

San Quentin (California, United States) seems to have

been one of the primary foci of the 1918–1920 pandemic

(6). Nevertheless, as Awofeso (6) states, outbreaks have

become rather rare in recent times. Two major strategies

to prevent an outbreak have been developed. The

preferred strategy involves consideration of the whole

prison population as a risk group and vaccination of as

many prisoners as possible every year. The disadvantages

of this strategy are that it is expensive (since outbreaks

are rare) and that the distribution of vaccines can be

complex. A recent evaluation in the United States

showed that 20% of federal and state prisons and 33%

of jails did not receive the necessary vaccines (7). The

prison population should be vaccinated for seasonal

influenza every year from October to December.

Another proposed strategy consists of quarantine,

vaccination (if available) and short-term (prophylactic)

treatment of cases and their close contacts (8).

Mathematical modelling shows that this strategy might

also work in a prison setting (6). If vaccination of the

entire population is impossible, at least prisoners

belonging to risk groups should be offered vaccination.

Whichever model is chosen, it must be stressed that the

model needs to take into account the equivalence of

care issues (9).

In 2009, at a time when no vaccine was available, the

H1N1 influenza epidemic also threatened the Belgian

prison system. Preparations and procedures for dealing

with it at national level included the following:

• organization of a direct link to the national crisis

coordination centre (interior affairs);

• creation of a crisis coordination centre for the justice

department and/or prison administration;

• appointment of a responsible person for all information,

announcements and publications;

• securing of funding for the prevention kits (see below:

local level);

• setting up of a centralized registration procedure for

staff members and detainees who were ill:

− staff returning after a bout of influenza to be

placed in sections with sick prisoners;

− directives for separating prisoners who were not

yet ill, ill or had recovered in different sections;

− centralized registration for the organization of help

for the hardest hit prisons;

74

Prisons and health

• issuing of directives for quarantine of diagnosed

prisoners by the medical staff;

• issuing of guidelines for the use of antiviral medication

and vaccines (when they became available);

• issuing of directives to limit movement inside facilities

and into or out of affected units.

Measures at local level consisted of cancelling common

activities and issuing prevention kits for prisons (prisoners,

staff and visitors) containing:

• non-alcoholic hand disinfection dispensers;

• non-alcoholic disinfection gels in places with no

access to running water;

• a stock of disposable mouth masks;

• a stock of disposable gloves and paper handkerchiefs;

• extra dustbins to collect all the disposable material;

• posters and leaflets with prevention messages (also

on the intranet);

• a stock of dry foods (in cases where kitchens or

suppliers can no longer function).

Measles, mumps and rubella

Measles is a highly contagious viral disease spread by

droplet infection through sneezing and coughing. Initial

symptoms include high fever and a runny nose, followed

by a rash descending from the head and neck. Serious

complications can develop, specifically in malnourished

patients or in patients with diminished immunity. Laurent

et al (10) showed how the immune status of migrant

populations in a Swiss prison was fairly low. Targeted

vaccination programmes for migrant prisoners could

reduce the risks of transmission. In fact, vaccination

for measles (combined with mumps and rubella) should

ideally be offered to all incoming prisoners without a

reliable vaccine history.

Measles, mumps and rubella vaccination should also be

offered to female prisoners of childbearing age without a

reliable vaccine history, to protect them against rubella.

Some authors also suggest vaccination of prisoners

against varicella zoster, the virus that causes chickenpox

(4). There are combined measles, mumps, rubella and

varicella zoster vaccines.

Viral hepatitis

Viral hepatitis is the leading cause of cirrhosis and liver

cancer, which in turn ranks as the third cause of cancer death

worldwide. Within the WHO European Region, approximately

14 million people are chronically infected with HBV, and

9 million people are chronically infected with HCV (11).

Across Europe, prisoner populations are

disproportionately affected. The reasons are to be

found in the lifestyles of many prisoners. Injecting drug

use, tattooing and risky sexual behaviour all favour

transmission of these bloodborne viruses. Another

reason is the overrepresentation of migrants from

endemic regions in European prisons.

With few exceptions, European countries now have

universal vaccination for HBV in children. As a result,

most new cases now occur among adults. Non-immune

prisoners are at high risk of becoming infected and should

be vaccinated. Different countries have allowed rapid or

ultra-rapid vaccination schemes (for example, on days 0,

7 and 21 with a booster after 1 year) for adult prisoners,

thus avoiding the risk of incomplete vaccination when a

regular scheme (0, 1 and 6 months) is used.

In the absence of a vaccine for hepatitis C, treatment

is the only option. Ideally, all incoming prisoners should

be screened for hepatitis C and, if found positive, liver

damage and the need for treatment should be evaluated.

Treatment is complex and expensive. Collaboration with

haepatology departments is necessary. Most existing

guidelines discourage the treatment of active drug

users, but recently evidence has emerged that treatment

of active users could help to contain the HCV epidemic:

A recent modelling study suggests that, based on realistic

treatment capacity, treating 40 per 1000 IDUs annually

could result in a 70% decrease in HCV prevalence over a

10-year period. The underlying principle of this ‘treatment

for prevention’ approach, also advocated by the HIV/AIDS

research community, is that the overall viral load in the

population can be reduced through effective treatment of

those infected, thereby halting the cycle of transmission (11).

The transmission of hepatitis A happens through

contaminated food or water or by faeco-oral

contamination. Foodborne and waterborne outbreaks in

prisons have been described. Patients are contagious

from two to four weeks before the appearance of

symptoms (pruritis, jaundice) until the disappearance of

symptoms. Among other risk groups, food handlers, men

who have sex with men, injecting drug users, people

with mental deficiencies and patients with chronic liver

disease should all be vaccinated. It is, therefore, sensible

to vaccinate all non-immune incoming prisoners.

Tetanus

Tetanus is caused by Clostridium tetani, a bacterium that

enters the body through soiled wounds. In the majority

of cases, the entry place is a small wound. Puncture

wounds, bite wounds, wounds that are soiled and wounds

that are not treated within six hours carry a higher risk.

Tetanus can also, although rarely, be transmitted through

75

Infectious diseases in prison

injecting drug use (12,13). It causes focal or generalized

muscular spasms. Even under the best of circumstances,

the mortality from tetanus is 10–40%. Incoming

prisoners should, therefore, be vaccinated unless they

have proof of their immune status, notwithstanding

that tetanus has become a rare disease in Europe. At

the least, prisoners presenting themselves with wounds

should be vaccinated immediately. A patient with a type

of wound carrying a higher risk should also be treated

with specific immunoglobulins.

Diphtheria

Diphtheria is caused by Corynebacterium diphtheriae, which

is spread by sneezing or coughing by the diseased patient

(droplet infection). The bacteria produce an exotoxin that is

the cause of the symptoms: obstructive respiratory problems

with the formation of false membranes in nose and throat.

There can be systemic complications, such as heart failure

or paralysis. Mortality is 5–10%. The level of immunization

is below standard in many parts of the world. In 1993, a

nationwide epidemic struck the Russian Federation, following

the breakdown of vaccination programmes (14).

Treatment consists in immediate medical isolation and

treatment (antitoxins and antibiotics) of the patient and

close contacts. Antibiotic treatment renders the patient

non-infectious within 24 hours.

Incoming prisoners should be vaccinated unless their

immune status can be proven, using the combined

diphtheria/tetanus vaccine for adults.

Sexually transmitted infections

As Tang (15) states:

There is ample evidence worldwide that sexually transmitted

infection and bloodborne viral infection are more highly

prevalent in prison populations than in the outside community.

STI diagnosis and treatment services in prisons are therefore

an essential component of any STI control programme.

Prisoners often belong to vulnerable groups in society,

who have a higher risk of STI because of, for example,

injecting drug use, engagement in commercial sex

activities and unprotected intercourse. They also engage

in high-risk sexual behaviour in prison, or can become

the victim of sexual violence.

Apart from screening for HIV, HBV and HCV, voluntary

screening for other STIs (chlamydia, gonorrhoea, syphilis)

should be offered to all prisoners with risky behaviour.

With the advent of nucleic acid amplification tests for

chlamydia and gonorrhoea, male patients show less

resistance to testing. Nevertheless, prisoners may find

donating a urine sample problematic for fear of drug

testing. It is the responsibility of the prison health care

team to build up the necessary trust and confidentiality.

Gonorrhoea is a bacterium that infects the urethra in

men and the cervix, uterus and fallopian tubes in women.

Although a silent (symptomless) infection is possible,

many men will experience burning pain while urinating.

The infection produces a white to green discharge. In

women, symptoms are often less specific: burning

sensations while urinating, blood loss and vaginal

discharge. In both men and women, rectal infection can

create painful defecation, rectal discharge, bleeding and

anal itching.

Untreated, gonorrhoea can cause infertility through

pelvic inflammatory disease in women and through

epididymitis in men. Treatment consists of antibiotics.

More and more strains of Neisseria gonorrhoea are

resistant to ciproxine, penicillin or tetracyclines.

Chlamydia trachomatis often presents without

symptoms. In men, it can cause urethritis, epidydimitis

and proctitis. In women it causes cervicitis (often

with contact bleeding), which can develop into pelvic

inflammatory disease. Diagnosis is preferably made

by nucleic acid amplification tests (urine or urethral

discharge in men, vaginal discharge or cervix in women,

rectum if anal intercourse has taken place and pharynx

in case of oral sex).

Syphilis, caused by Treponema pallidum, evolves in

several phases. The hallmark of primary syphilis is a

painless wet ulcer (chancre) at the site of inoculation

(genitals, anus and mouth), which disappears after three

to six weeks. The secondary phase, which starts some

weeks after the chancre, consists of body rashes, often

on the palms of the hands and soles of the feet. It can

last up to two years and be accompanied by subfebrility,

fatigue, weight loss, patchy hair loss, swollen lymph

nodes and muscle pains. In the third stage of late

syphilis, serious and irreparable damage is done to the

nervous system, the heart, the brain and other parts of

the body.

As a primary screening test, treponema pallidum

haemaglutination assay or enzyme immunoassay

can be used. A fluorescent treponemal antibody test

can then be used as confirmation. Venereal Disease

Research Laboratory and rapid plasma reagin tests are

used to monitor the response to antibiotic treatment.

Interpretation of syphilis serology can be difficult and is

best left to specialists. Syphilis is often found in people

76

Prisons and health

with HIV/AIDS. A confirmed diagnosis of syphilis should,

therefore, prompt HIV testing.

Notification and treatment of partners can be difficult in

prison, either because of practical difficulties (if partners

live in the community) or because of the taboo on sex

among inmates. In the first case, collaboration with an

outside agency can be a solution.

Ectoparasites

Ectoparasites such as scabies and lice are not uncommon

in prisons.

Rash, pruritis and/or skin lesions are the hallmarks of

scabies. In most instances, diagnosis is not too difficult.

Indeed, it is often self-diagnosed. Efficient treatment

is, however, only possible if there is close collaboration

between medical and custodial staff. Efficient treatment

requires the diagnosis and topical treatment of the

index case and other cell-mates, together with access to

showers and disinfection of bed linen, towels and clothes.

Not infrequently, the handling of infected items in the

prison laundry leads to new cases. This can be avoided by

using protein-based laundry bags to collect the infected

items: the bags can be put inside the washing machines

without further handling of the infected clothes or linen.

Pediculosis capitis, or head lice, are caused by an insect

parasite of human head hair. Apart from the hair, bed linen,

clothes, combs and brushes can be infested. Treatment

should, therefore, not only include topical treatment but

also disinfection of the mentioned items. Prison barbers

(often prisoners) should be educated on the cleaning and

disinfection of their barbering equipment.

Vaccination, quarantine and personal

hygiene

Table 5 gives a proposed vaccination scheme for certain

infectious diseases.

In cases of highly contagious disease or a threatened

epidemic, isolation for medical reasons (quarantine) can

be warranted. In such cases, the following rules should

apply.

Only a medical doctor can decide on the need for isolation.

The beginning and end of quarantine measures are strictly

medical decisions.

The duration of isolation should be limited to the strictly

necessary minimum.

Medical and custodial staff will see to it that the rights

of prisoners are guaranteed as far as possible (daily walk,

legal assistance, contact with family).

The quarantined sections of the prison (a cell, a section or

the entire prison) must be marked by biohazard signs (Fig. 2).

Biohazard signs (such as posters and stickers) should

always be available in the medical department. Other

logograms at the entrance of the quarantined zones can

show which protective measures (such as disposable

mouth masks and gloves) are necessary to enter the zone.

Fig. 2. Biohazard sign

Disease Vaccination scheme

Seasonal influenza All prisoners or risk groups (October–December)

Tetanus/diphtheria All incoming prisoners without a reliable vaccination history

Measles, mumps, rubella All incoming prisoners without a reliable vaccination history and women of childbearing

age without a reliable vaccination history

Hepatitis A All incoming non-immune prisoners

Hepatitis B All incoming prisoners without a reliable vaccination history

Pneumococcus Prisoners aged over 65 years and prisoners with HIV/AIDS

Table 5. Vaccination scheme for certain infectious diseases

Protective clothing and dustbins for used disposables

should be made available at the entrances/exits of the

quarantined zones.

77

Infectious diseases in prison

Finally, the following are the rules for personal hygiene.

1. All incoming prisoners should be educated about

the importance of personal hygiene and should have

regular access to decent toilets, toilet paper, sanitary

napkins, clean water, soap and clean laundry. They

should be aware of the importance of wound care and

have access to wound care material if necessary.

2. Targeted efforts should be made to educate and assist

prisoners who may have difficulties with personal

hygiene, such as prisoners with an intellectual

disability.

3. All incoming prisoners should be educated about the

universal precautions against bloodborne viruses and

have access to the means to protect themselves, such

as sterile syringes, condoms, dental dams, personal

towels and personal toothbrush or comb.

4. Prisoners and all staff must be able to recognize the

biohazard sign (Fig. 2) and understand which measures

need to be taken to protect themselves if necessary.

References

1. Rutherford M, Dugan S. Meeting complex health

needs in prisons. Public Health, 2009, 123(6):417.

2. Brunett M et al. Five-site Health and Risk Study

Research Committee. Blood borne infections and

persons with mental illness: responding to blood

borne infections among people with severe mental

illness. Psychiatric Services, 2003, 54:860–865.

3. Hammett TM, Harmon MP, Rhodes W. The burden of

infectious disease among inmates of and releases

from US correctional facilities, 1997. American Journal

of Public Health, 2002, 92:1789–1794.

4. Bick JA. Infection control in prisons. Clinical and

Infectious Diseases, 2007, 45(8):1047–1055.

5. Quinton RF. An epidemic of influenza in a prison. British

Medical Journal, 1890, 1:417–418.

6. Awofeso N. Prisons show prophylaxis for close

contacts may indeed help in next flu epidemic. British

Medical Journal, 2004, 329(7458):173.

7. Centers for Disease Control. Receipt of A(H1N1)pdm09

vaccine by prisons and jails – US 2009–2010 influenza

season. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 2012,

60:1737–1740.

8. Balicer RD, Huerta M, Grotto I. Tackling the next

influenza pandemic. British Medical Journal, 2004,

328:1391–1392.

9. Van’t Hoff G, Fedosejeva R, Mihailescu L. Prison’s

preparedness for pandemic flu and the ethical issues.

Public Health, 2009, 123(6):422–425.

10. Laurent G et al. Improvement of measles immunity

among migrant populations: lessons from a prevalence

study in a Swiss prison. Swiss Medical Weekly, 2011,

141:w13215.

11. Hatzakis A et al. The state of hepatitis B and C in

Europe: report from the hepatitis B and C summit

conference. Journal of Viral Hepatitis, 2011,18(Suppl 1):

1–16.

12. Sangalli M et al. Tetanus: a rare but preventable cause

of mortality among drug users and the elderly. European

Journal of Epidemiology, 1996, 12(5):539–540.

13. Rezza G et al. Tetanus and injecting drug use:

rediscovery of a neglected problem? European Journal

of Epidemiology, 1996, 12(6):655–656.

14. Centers for Disease Control. Diphtheria outbreak

– Russian Federation 1990–1993. Morbidity and

Mortality Weekly Report, 1993, 42(43):840–841,847.

15. Tang A. How to run a prison sexually transmitted

infection service. Sexually Transmitted Infections,

2011, 87:269–271.

78

Prisons and health

79

Noncommunicable diseases

80

Prisons and health

81

10. Noncommunicable diseases and prisoners

Emma Plugge, Ruth Elwood Martin, Paul Hayton

Key points

• The global burden of and threat from noncommunicable

diseases (NCDs) constitute a major public health

challenge that undermines social and economic

development throughout the world. Prisoners are at

greater risk for such diseases.

• Most information on NCDs in prisoners comes from

high-income countries despite the fact that globally,

80% of these deaths from these diseases are in lowand

middle-income countries.

• NCDs comprise mainly cardiovascular diseases (48%),

cancers (21%), chronic respiratory diseases (12%) and

diabetes (3.5%). They share four key behavioural risk

factors: tobacco use, unhealthy diet, physical inactivity

and harmful use of alcohol. Prisoners are more likely to

smoke and to drink harmful amounts of alcohol than the

general population.

• Prisoners’ diets are often unhealthy with either underor

over-provision of calories and with excessive levels

of sodium.

• The primary prevention and treatment of NCDs in

prisons has largely been neglected.

Introduction

NCDs are increasingly recognized as a considerable global

public health issue (1). Cardiovascular diseases, cancers,

diabetes and chronic respiratory diseases are the four most

common NCDs, causing an estimated 36 million deaths each

year – 63% of all deaths globally (1). While these diseases

affect people of all nationalities, ages and wealth, there

are clear global inequalities in the burden of NCDs, with

those in vulnerable situations particularly affected. There

is a clear link between socioeconomic disadvantage and

NCDs; given that most of the 10 million people imprisoned

worldwide are from the poorest and most marginalized

sections of society, they are likely be at greater risk for

NCDs. The primary prevention and treatment of NCDs in

prisons have, however, been largely neglected. In part

this may be because of a lack of awareness of the global

importance of NCDs, but there is also a perception that

prisoners tend to be younger than the general population

and thus NCDs are not likely to be an issue – despite the

fact that 44% of all deaths in the general population are in

people under the age of 70 years (2).

This chapter will highlight the importance of tackling

NCDs in the prison population. It will focus on the burden

of NCDs and risk factors in prisoners and examine the

challenges in providing appropriate prevention and

treatment in prisons.

Burden of disease and risk factors for

NCDs in prisoners

Most of the information on the prevalence of

cardiovascular diseases, cancers, diabetes and chronic

respiratory diseases in prisons comes from high-income

countries despite the fact that globally, 80% of deaths

from these diseases are in low- and middle-income

countries. Evidence from Australia, the United Kingdom

and the United States shows that NCDs are an important

public health problem in prisons. A study in the United

States showed that prisoners had a higher prevalence of

hypertension, diabetes, myocardial infarction, asthma and

cancer (cervical) than non-imprisoned adults of similar

ages and sex (3). Another United States study looking

specifically at cancers found that the most common

cancers in prisoners were lung carcinoma, non-Hodgkin

lymphoma and carcinomas of the oral cavity and pharynx

(4). Among women, cervical carcinoma was the most

common. Lung carcinoma, non-Hodgkin lymphoma and

hepatic carcinoma accounted for more cancer deaths

among inmates than in a community comparison group,

and the median survival time in prisoners was lower than

in the comparison group: prisoners’ median survival time

from diagnosis was 21 months compared to 54 months in

the community cohort (4).

NCDs are an issue in other countries too. Women

prisoners in Queensland, Australia, were three times

more likely to suffer from asthma than women in the

general population, with a prevalence of 36.3%. Diabetes

was also more common in imprisoned women, found in

6.2% of women prisoners compared to 0.3% of women

aged 25–34 years in the general population (5). Important

differences have been found within subgroups in the

prison population, particularly ethnic/racial differences.

Data from the United Kingdom and United States suggest

that the prevalence of chronic conditions is greater in

white populations compared to ethnic minorities. This

is not, however, the pattern seen in Australian prisons

where indigenous prisoners are more likely to suffer from

NCDs.

It is important to note that NCDs are preventable. Up to

80% of heart disease, stroke and type 2 diabetes and

82

Prisons and health

over a third of cancers could be prevented by eliminating

the common risk factors (6). The four key modifiable

risk factors are smoking, the harmful use of alcohol,

inadequate physical activity and unhealthy diet. The

available evidence suggests that prisoners are likely to

be at high risk of NCDs because of high risk behaviour.

Smoking in prisons is a huge public health problem (see

Chapter 16). Between 64% and 91.8% of prisoners smoke.

In some countries, these rates were more than three times

as high as in the general population (7). This may in part

explain why lung cancer and cancers of the oral cavity

and pharynx are higher in prisoners than in the general

population.

The harmful use of alcohol is also an issue for many

prisoners (Chapter 15). Estimates of the prevalence of

alcohol abuse and dependence in male prisoners range

from 18% to 30% and in female prisoners from 10% to

24% (8). These figures may be an underestimate because

of the strict inclusion criteria of the review but they point

to a substantial health issue. In most prisons across the

world, prisoners are allowed to smoke but the use of

alcohol is prohibited. It is harder to smuggle alcohol in to

prisons than illegal drugs; while prisoners may attempt

to brew their own alcohol, it is rarely possible to do so

in large quantities. As a result, alcohol is not widely

consumed in prisons and prisoners may be protected from

the immediate adverse effects, such as alcohol-related

injury, although many prisoners remain at high risk of

the longer-term consequences, such as hepatocellular

carcinoma.

A recent review of 60 000 prisoners in Africa, Asia,

Australia, Europe and North America indicates that

unhealthy diets and a lack of physical activity are

important health issues for prisoners (9). Diets for male

prisoners in high-income countries provide an appropriate

calorie intake but diets for women prisoners provided a

substantial excess of total energy. This may be because

women prisoners are detained in institutions designed by

men for men with little concern for the needs of women,

who form a minority of the global prison population; they

are thus supplied with a diet appropriate for males. This

is likely to contribute to obesity in the female prison

population. Women prisoners are more likely to be

overweight and obese than the age- and sex-adjusted

population, with high prevalence rates estimates of 37%

to 70%. Male prisoners, by contrast, were less likely to

be overweight or obese than the general population; this

held true in high-, middle- and low-income countries.

Other aspects of prisoners’ diets also put them at

increased risk of NCDs. The review showed that dietary

salt intake was over twice the recommended levels in

diets for both males and females and that diets were

high in carbohydrates, with an excess of percentage

energy intake of fat. The problem may be compounded in

high-income countries by the availability of extra snacks;

prisoners are able to buy these to supplement their diet,

but they tend to be energy-dense and salt-rich.

WHO recommends that all adults aged 18–4 years

should undertake at least 150 minutes of moderate

physical activity each week to benefit their health (10).

Physical activity data on prisoners in Australia and the

United Kingdom showed a contrasting picture, in which

United Kingdom prisoners were less likely to achieve

the recommended guidelines for physical activity in

comparison both to Australian prisoners and to the

general United Kingdom population. Australian prisoners

were more likely than the sex-adjusted general population

to do more than 150 minutes of moderate exercise per

week. This is an important difference, which highlights

the fact that it is possible to enable prisoners to take

enough physical activity in the prison setting.

Challenges in providing appropriate

prevention and care to prisoners

Primary prevention of NCDs

Smoking

Tackling smoking in prisons is a complex issue involving

not simply health concerns but concerns about other

important issues such as human rights. Smoking plays a

complex role in prison life. Prisoners smoke for a variety

of reasons, not just because they are addicted but also

because of the perceived benefits in social situations,

managing stress and alleviating boredom. Cigarettes may

also be an important form of currency. Many prison staff

smoke too, making the acceptability and implementation

of smoking bans in the prison environment challenging.

While total smoking bans in prisons may be seen as

coercive and unrealistic as cigarettes would become, like

drugs, an illicit substance to be smuggled and traded,

partial smoking bans may be more effective. In the United

Kingdom, smoking in public places in prisons is banned

but prisoners are allowed to smoke in their own cells. The

stated aim of the Prison Service in the United Kingdom

(England and Wales) is for prisons to be smoke-free in

the future. In the short term the partial ban has delivered

health benefits, particularly where it is supported by

appropriate interventions, such as counselling and

nicotine replacement therapy, while enabling individual

prisoners to retain the right to smoke. These issues are

discussed further in Chapter 16.

Alcohol

In most prisons throughout the world, the consumption

83

Noncommunicable diseases and prisoners

of alcohol by prisoners is banned, which largely prevents

excessive consumption in prisons. As already highlighted,

however, a significant proportion of prisoners enter prison

dependent on alcohol and needing appropriate care and

treatment (11). This is discussed in detail in Chapter 15.

Diet

Prison administrations need to ensure that prisoners have

access to a nutritionally adequate and balanced diet. The

provision of healthy options does not, however, mean that

prisoners will benefit from a good diet. As with tobacco,

prisoners have a complex relationship with food and

it is often used, for example, to relieve the boredom of

imprisonment. There is also some evidence to support the

high prevalence of eating disorders in women prisoners in

high-income countries (12,13). Prisons need to ensure that

all the options are healthy and should provide guidance to

prisoners on the nutritional content of the food provided.

Special diets must be provided for prisoners with specific

cultural, religious or medical needs, and the different

dietary needs of men and women should be catered for. In

those countries where prisoners are able to supplement

their diets with items they can purchase, there should

be mechanisms in place to ensure that these snacks are

healthy and not highly processed and calorie-dense. The

prison environment can contribute to the development

of healthy eating patterns in prisoners. A recent study in

Spain demonstrated how the provision of a special diet

to prisoners at high risk of cardiovascular disease led to

positive changes in their weight, body mass index and

blood pressure (14). In Japan, the metabolic profile of

diabetic prisoners improved when in prison because of the

high-fibre diet and increase in physical activity (15). Other

prisons in Japan where prisoners are physically active at

work for up to eight hours each day and have a calorierestricted

diet have also demonstrated improvements in

prisoners’ cardiovascular risk factor profiles following

imprisonment (16).

In many prisons across the world, food is scarce and

prisoners are not provided with sufficient calories or

nutrients. Indeed, there have been documented outbreaks

of nutritional deficiencies (17). Prisoners in such situations

are at risk of health problems because of these deficiencies,

and also because food becomes a commodity traded

between prisoners and may be instrumental in bullying.

Those denied food are at particular risk of developing

health problems. It is important, therefore, that prison

authorities provide not only an adequate diet but also

ensure that the security and safety of prisoners include

specific measures to reduce bullying.

Evidence is emerging to show that there are other good

reasons why prison authorities should provide a nutritional

diet. There is some suggestion that micronutrient

deficiencies in young offenders play a role in poor

behaviour while they are imprisoned and that correcting

these deficiencies leads to a decrease in infractions of

the rules (18). There is also increasing evidence to show

that poor diet and poor mental health are related, and

that dietary interventions may be of therapeutic value in

conditions such as depression. Given the high prevalence

of mental illness in prisons, this supports the need for

efforts to prioritize the provision of a healthy diet for all

prisoners.

Physical activity

Prison authorities have an important role in ensuring

that there are appropriate opportunities for prisoners

to undertake sufficient physical activity to benefit their

health. In many countries this does not happen, and it is

likely that the prison environment prevents individuals who

want to exercise from doing so (19). There are a number

of barriers to adequate physical activity in the prison

setting, including security concerns, overcrowding and

understaffing which make supervision of activities outside

cells more difficult. As already outlined, however, there are

health benefits for prisoners in the longer term, as well as

immediate benefits (relief from boredom, an opportunity for

positive social interaction, a feeling of wellbeing) (Box 1).

The provision of adequate opportunities for physical

activity is also likely to benefit the whole prison, including

improved staff–prisoner relationships (20).

In prisons worldwide, overcrowding is one of the greatest

threats to prisoners’ ability to exercise. In some countries,

prisoners have been so tightly packed in cells that they

can barely move, let alone undertake the necessary

moderate physical activity necessary to benefit their

health. This is clearly not acceptable on health or human

rights grounds and highlights the importance of decency

within prisons. A “decent” prison regime will ensure that

prisoners are able to meet WHO guidelines on physical

activity, should they choose, and will provide them with

appropriate health education materials to enable them to

make an informed choice.

The care and treatment of prisoners with NCDs

The guiding principle for all prisoners with cardiovascular

diseases, cancers, diabetes or chronic respiratory

diseases must be that of equivalence of care, that is, they

should receive the same standard of care and treatment

for their disease in prison as they would if they were in the

community. Care and treatment for these chronic diseases

have some key elements that should also be provided in

the prison setting. Some opportunities and challenges in

making such provision are discussed below.

84

Prisons and health

Identification of NCDs – initial screening

When prisoners are first received in prison they should

undergo health screening, including for detection of NCDs.

Prisoners who are aware that they have an NCD must be

given the opportunity to tell health care staff about their

condition and medication. The initial screening also gives

staff an opportunity to diagnose hitherto undetected

diseases, such as diabetes by urinalysis or blood test

and hypertension by blood pressure monitoring. This is

particularly important for prisoners who, for a variety of

reasons, are often not in contact with the appropriate

health services in the community.

Encouragement of self-care

In the community, patients with long-term conditions are

encouraged to care for themselves. The prison environment

poses particular problems for self-care as security

concerns preclude many prisoners from keeping their

own medication and monitoring devices. The promotion

of self-care runs contrary to the ethos of prison regimes,

which are designed to disempower prisoners. There have,

however, been some promising local initiatives in some

countries. The model described in Box 2 may prove a costeffective

way of ensuring adequate care.

Ensuring access to secondary care

While most prisoners with NCDs can be managed in

primary care in prisons most of the time, many will

need to visit hospitals for specialist care as outpatients.

These visits can pose particular problems as appropriate

transport must be arranged and escorts provided.

Resource constraints often make this difficult for many

prisons, but it is important to recognize and prioritize

this particular health need. In some countries, innovative

developments to circumvent these difficulties have

encompassed the use of telemedicine or initiatives to

bring specialists into prisons to visit patients. However,

some aspects of the care of NCDs, such as the use of

sophisticated scanning procedures, must necessarily be

accessed in hospitals and prison regimes must adapt

accordingly.

Throughcare

The majority of prisoners will be released into the

community at some stage of their lives. Adequate

planning to ensure appropriate throughcare is particularly

important for those with NCDs. Prisoners should not be

released without adequate medication and appropriate

arrangements for follow-up in the community.

References

1. Follow-up to the Political Declaration of the High-level

Meeting of the General Assembly on the Prevention

and Control of Non-communicable Diseases. Geneva,

World Health Organization, 2013 (http://apps.who.

int/gb/ebwha/pdf_files/WHA66/A66_R10-en.pdf,

accessed 22 November 2013).

2. Global status report on noncommunicable diseases

2010. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2011 (http://

www.who.int/nmh/publications/ncd_report2010/en/,

accessed 20 January 2014).

3. Binswanger IA, Krueger PM, Steiner JF. Prevalence

of chronic medical conditions among jail and prison

inmates in the USA compared with the general

Source: Martin RE et al (21).

This project started in 2007 and was carried out in the main short-sentence (two years or less) minimum/

medium security women’s correctional centre in Canada, housing up to 150 women. At the time, incarcerated

women who were engaged in a prison participatory action research project had identified nine health goals

that were essential for their successful reintegration into society following release from prison. One goal was

improved awareness and integration of healthy lifestyles, including exercise and nutrition. In keeping with

this health goal, incarcerated women on the research team designed, implemented and evaluated a prison

pilot nutrition and fitness programme. Interested women attended a general gym facility orientation and were

offered the option of exercising in group circuit classes or of developing an individual exercise plan. The circuit

stations and aerobic routine were altered every two weeks and group circuit class sessions were held twice

a day. Pre-and post-programme assessments included a self-administered questionnaire and body measures.

Sixteen women in prison completed the programme. Weight, body mass index, waist–ip ratio and chest

measurements decreased, and energy, sleep and stress levels improved by the end of the programme. Having

fun was a recurrent theme in the open-ended responses. Some women continued their exercise programme

in the community after release from prison. In conclusion, a prisoner-designed and led fitness programme is

feasible and in this case resulted in improved body measures and self-reported health benefits. Incarceration

provides opportunities to engage women in health programmes with potential long-term healing benefits.

Box 1. Example of effective intervention for nutrition and physical activity, Canada

85

Noncommunicable diseases and prisoners

population. Journal of Epidemiology and Community

Health, 2009, 63(11):912–919.

4. Mathew P et al. Cancer in an incarcerated population.

Cancer, 2005, 104(10):2197–2204.

5. Hockings BA et al. Queensland Women Prisoners’

Health Survey. Brisbane, Department of Corrective

Services, 2002 (http://toolboxes.flexiblelearning.net.

au/demosites/series7/701/shared/content/resources/

health_women2.pdf, accessed 22 November 2013).

6. Beaglehole R et al. Priority actions for the noncommunicable

disease crisis. The Lancet, 2011,

377(9775):1438–1447.

7. Ritter C et al. Smoking in prisons: the need for effective

and acceptable interventions. Journal of Public Health

Policy, 2011, 32(1):32–45.

8. Fazel S, Bains P, Doll H. Substance abuse and

dependence in prisoners: a systematic review.

Addiction, 2006, 101(2):181–191.

9. Herbert K et al. Prevalence of risk factors for noncommunicable

diseases in prison populations

worldwide: a systematic review. The Lancet, 2012,

379(9830):1975–1982.

10. Global recommendations on physical activity for

health. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2010

(http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2010/ 978924

1599979_eng.pdf, accessed 26 November 2013).

11. Graham L et al. Alcohol in the criminal justice system.

An opportunity for intervention. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2012 (http://www.euro.

who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/181068/

e96751-ver-2.pdf, accessed 22 November 2013).

12. Birecree E et al. Diagnostic efforts regarding women

in Oregon’s prison system: a preliminary report.

International Journal of Offender Therapy and

Comparative Criminology, 1994, 38(3):217–230.

13. Brinded PM et al. Prevalence of psychiatric disorders in

New Zealand prisons: a national study. Australia and

New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 2001, 35(2):166–

173.

14. Gil-Delgado Y, Dominguez-Zamorano JA, Martinez-

Sanchez-Suarez E. [Assessment of health benefits

from a nutrition programme aimed at inmates with

cardiovascular risk factors at Huelva Prison]. Revista

Espanola de Sanidad Penitenciaria [Spanish Journal of

Prison Health], 2011, 13(3):75–83.

15. Hinata M et al. Metabolic improvement of male

prisoners with type 2 diabetes in Fukushima Prison,

Japan. Diabetes Research and Clinical Practice, 2007,

77(2):327–332.

16. Nara K, Igarashi M. Relationship of prison life style

to blood pressure, serum lipids and obesity in women

prisoners in Japan. Industrial Health, 1998, 36(1):1–7.

17. De Montmollin D et al. Outbreak of beri-beri in a prison

in west Africa. Tropical Doctor, 2002, 32(4):234–236.

18. Gesch CB et al. Influence of supplementary vitamins,

minerals and essential fatty acids on the antisocial

behaviour of young adult prisoners. Randomised,

placebo-controlled trial. British Journal of Psychiatry,

2002, 181:22–28.

19. Plugge E et al. Drug using offenders’ beliefs and

The health care team in a young offenders’ institution in Scotland is committed to delivering a high degree

of professional health care. They consistently achieve a positive effect on the general health of the young

offenders through a model of care that adapts the concept of specialist teams for primary care, mental health

and addictions. In the sphere of primary care, each nurse has developed at least one area of specific need

and interest. The development of health care has enabled the team to progress from the traditional route of a

young offender reporting sick to a self-referral system that allows each young offender to specify which clinic

he/she wishes to attend. Specialist clinics exist for individuals with a wide range of health needs, including a

number of clinics for NCDs such as asthma, diabetes and epilepsy.

There are some benefits to this model. The service mirrors the service provided in the community and is primarily

nurse-led. There is a high patient satisfaction rate: young offenders feel empowered by the service and are

interested in their own health. Adopting the principle of self-care has allowed prisoners to become involved

in caring for themselves, or at least sharing the responsibility for their care. This not only allows them to learn

more about their health and illnesses but also prepares them to access and deal with health care services in

the community once they are liberated, thus facilitating throughcare (in prison and post-release). Once involved,

prisoners tend to access more health care services and become involved in promoting the services to other

prisoners. They also become more involved in health care committees and make suggestions and recommendations

to the team for change.

Box 2. Example of good practice regarding the encouragement of self-care by prisoners,

United Kingdom (Scotland)

86

Prisons and health

preferences about physical activity: implications for

future interventions. International Journal of Prisoner

Health, 2011, 7:18–27.

20. Health promoting prisons: a shared approach. London,

Department of Health, 2002.

21. Martin RE et al. Incarcerated women develop a

nutrition and fitness program: participatory research.

International Journal of Prisoner Health, 2013,

9(3):142–150.

87

11. Mental health in prison

Graham Durcan, Jan Cees Zwemstra

Key points

• Prisoners with mental health problems benefit from

good basic prison care. The mental well-being of any

prisoner can deteriorate if his or her needs are not met.

Studies have consistently shown that the prevalence

of poor mental health among prisoners is considerably

higher than in the community. Prison mental health

services should be based on the health needs of

prisoners. This might require more intensive and

integrated services than in the wider community.

• Prisoners with mental health problems will often also

have several other vulnerabilities, such as substance

misuse problems, poor physical health, learning

difficulties, poor life skills, histories of trauma,

relationship difficulties, unstable housing and/or

homelessness, poor education and limited experience

of employment.

• Mental health treatment and care need to address all

the prisoners’ needs, including their social needs, and

be psychosocial in nature.

• The first step in understanding the mental health

situation in a prison population is to ask prisoners

their views on their needs and how these might be met.

• All staff working in prisons should have an appropriate

level of mental health awareness training, which

should cover the specific needs of those with

personality disorders.

• Maintaining links between a prisoner and his/her

family can be crucial for the mental well-being of the

prisoner, for a successful return to society on release,

as well as benefiting the family.

• All prisoners should be screened on entry to prison for

a range of mental health and related problems. There

should also be other opportunities to identify needs.

• Some prisoners suffer from severe or acute mental

health symptoms and may benefit from treatment in a

psychiatric unit, either in the prison or in a hospital.

• The mental health needs of different groups of

prisoners such as women, older prisoners, children

and young people, prisoners from minority ethnic or

cultural groups and foreign prisoners, may need to be

addressed differently.

• Continuity of care is important for a prisoner, including

the continuation of treatment that he/she was

receiving prior to incarceration and the handing over

of care to a community-based provider on release.

• The notion of “mental health recovery” provides

a useful approach for prison mental health care

services. Mental health recovery is not the same as

clinical recovery. It is much more about social recovery

and support for sufferers in overcoming social deficits

and thereby improving their quality of life.

• Fellow prisoners or ex-offenders can often help to

support mental well-being through mentoring.

• Where appropriate, preventing people with mental

health problems from entering prison in the first

place requires that mental health services liaise with

police and courts and provide a diversion service.

Comprehensive community care services should see

those entering and leaving the criminal justice system

as part of their business.

Introduction

This chapter focuses on the basic principles that can guide

those with a responsibility for providing prison mental

health care. How these principles are translated into

practice will vary according to national legislation and

the local prison system and culture. Prisoners often come

from communities where there is significant deprivation

or poverty. Houchin’s research in Scotland (1) found that

in the most deprived communities one man in nine had

been to prison at least once by the time they were 23

years of age. These communities also have higher levels

of ill health, greater psychiatric morbidity and many

social issues. It is important to recognize these factors,

as supporting prisoners in maintaining their well-being

or treating those with poor mental health is not only a

matter of providing the right medication and psychological

treatment, but is also about helping them to address their

physical health and social needs.

Human and prisoners’ rights and basic needs

Blaauw & van Marle (2) have pointed out the importance

of ensuring that all those incarcerated have their most

basic needs and human rights met, such as access to light,

food and water and access to exercise and meaningful occupation.

The Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of

Prisoners include the following (3).

• There shall be no discrimination on the basis of race,

colour, sex, language, religion, political or other

opinion, sexual orientation, national or social origin,

88

Prisons and health

property, birth or other status and, on the other hand, it

is necessary to respect the religious beliefs and moral

precepts of the group to which a prisoner belongs

(Rule 6).

• Prisoners shall be kept in rooms that are sufficiently

large and sufficiently lighted, heated and ventilated

(Rule 10).

• Adequate bathing and shower installations shall be

provided so that every prisoner may be enabled and

required to have a bath or shower … at least once a

week (Rule 13).

• Prisoners shall be provided with water and with

such toilet articles as are necessary for health and

cleanliness (Rule 15).

• In order that prisoners may maintain a good appearance

compatible with their self-respect, facilities shall be

provided for the proper care of the hair and beard, and

men shall be enabled to shave regularly (Rule 16).

• Prisoners shall be provided with a separate bed, and

with separate and sufficient bedding which shall be

clean when issued, kept in good order and changed

often enough to ensure its cleanliness (Rule 19).

• Every prisoner who is not allowed to wear his own

clothing shall be provided with an outfit of clothing

suitable for the climate and adequate to keep him

in good health. Such clothing shall in no manner be

degrading or humiliating (Rule 17).

• Every prisoner shall be provided at the usual hours

with food of nutritional value adequate for health and

strength, of wholesome quality and well prepared and

served, and drinking-water shall be available to every

prisoner whenever he or she needs it (Rule 20).

Additional factors essential to maintaining mental health are:

• reliable, tangible assistance from people, settings and

services that facilitate self-advancement and self-improvement;

• recognition of the need to be loved, appreciated and

cared for, and of the desire for intimate relationships

that provide emotional sustenance and empathy;

• activity and distraction to maximize opportunities to

be occupied and fill time;

• safety and environmental stability and predictability;

• privacy or autonomy.

Prison systems that hold children and young people must

take into consideration the United Nations Convention

on the Rights of the Child (4), which underlines the

importance of using custody as a last resort.

Equivalence

To meet the health needs of prisoners, prison health care

services should aspire to equivalence of care between

standards inside and outside prison. This can be defined

in different ways. Lines (5) warns that caution needs to be

used, since equivalence of health care can be defined as

providing the same care as is provided outside the prison.

Few systems achieve this, but Lines argues that this as a

goal is not appropriate. Prison populations do not reflect the

communities that surround them; instead prisons represent

communities where the prevalence of all illnesses,

including and especially mental illness, is much higher than

in the community. This might require more intensive and

integrated services than in the wider community.

Prevalence of poor mental health

Most prevalence studies have been conducted in

developed countries and show consistently that a very

high proportion of prisoners suffer from poor mental

health. For example, the most exhaustive study in the

United Kingdom found that 90% of prisoners aged over

16 years suffered from a mental illness, addiction or a

personality disorder, and 70% of prisoners had two or

more such problems (6). The prevalence of learning and

communication difficulties and of addiction problems

is also much higher than in the general population. In

addition, prevalence studies in many countries show that

10–15% of the prison population suffer from severe and

enduring mental illnesses such as schizophrenia, bipolar

disorder and autism disorders, often complicated by comorbidity.

The prevalence rates of poor mental health for

young people in prison are very high, including over half

with conduct disorders (7) and around a third of young

girls having a major depression. Studies in some countries

have shown that the risk of suicide is much greater in a

prison population, particularly in adolescent prisoners (8).

Where studies of mental illness have been conducted with

prison populations, the prevalence has been consistently

shown to be high. There is no reason to believe that

countries which have not conducted such surveys will

have significantly different prevalence rates.

Complexity and multiple needs

Prisoners seldom have just one problem, and those

suffering from mental health disorders may find that their

mental health problems are exacerbated by their other

problems or even caused by them.

The likelihood is that many prisoners will have interwoven

multiple and complex problems. In a prison, the severe

major disorders can be treated with medicines and basic

talking/counselling therapies, but other more social

problems need to be addressed too.

Prisoners in the United Kingdom interviewed by Durcan (9),

in addition to having mental health problems, commonly

89

experienced most if not all of the following problems

concurrently:

• a history of unemployment

• poor education

• learning difficulties

• addiction or problematic substance misuse

• poor life and social skills

• poor access to stable housing

• debts both inside and outside prison

• poor general health

• past life trauma.

Many, if not most, of the above are beyond the scope of

health or mental health care services, and yet they are

crucial to the health of prisoners and their recovery.

Illness and social focus

A focus needs to be adopted on both illness and wellness/

social health. The former characterizes much health care

in many settings, certainly in many prison settings, but

increasingly there is recognition of the importance of

social interventions, although these are not standard

in most services geared towards detecting and treating

illness. Because resources are limited in prison systems,

the risk of focusing on illness is that only those with the

most severe problems are dealt with. High mental health

service thresholds have to be set, leading inevitably to

frustration for the many prisoners who fall below this threshold.

Given the large number of prisoners who suffer from

poor mental health, it seems wise to encourage all the

prison staff to recognize their responsibility in this area,

rather than relying on a possibly small number of health professionals.

Attempting to have a whole-prison focus on promoting

and improving mental well-being can mean that the

limited resources dedicated to mental health care can

be put to the most effective use. It is also likely to have

a positive impact on the regime in terms of safety and

security. Additionally, it may result in improved outcomes

for prisoners on release from prison, both for the risk

of exacerbation of illness and in the recidivism risk for

criminal offences.

The impact of prison on mental health and

well-being

The following are factors that WHO and the International

Red Cross (10) identify as negatively impacting on prison

mental health:

• overcrowding;

• various forms of violence;

• enforced solitude;

• lack of privacy;

• lack of meaningful activity,

• isolation from social networks;

• insecurity about future prospects (work, relationships);

• inadequate health services, especially mental health

services, in prisons.

The English prisoners interviewed by Durcan (9) on the

aspects of their lives in prison that challenged their

mental well-being identified issues very similar to those

listed above:

• bullying by other inmates;

• concerns about family – difficulty in communicating

with them;

• lack of a person they could trust to talk to;

• little meaningful activity and the monotony of the

regime;

• no privacy;

• worries and concerns over release;

• substance misuse;

• incompatibility with cell-mates;

• poor diet;

• limited access to physical activity such as the gym;

• unresolved past life traumas;

• difficulty in accessing services, particularly health care

and counselling.

Once again, much of the above is beyond the scope of

a health service and provides a further argument for

making prisoners’ mental well-being a whole-prison

responsibility.

On the other hand, in well-resourced prison systems the

prison can also be a place to stabilize, to start treatment

and to recover.

Prisoners’ views of their needs

The best source of information on prisoners’ mental health

needs is prisoners themselves. Ideally, basic mental

health needs assessments should be conducted on entry,

including an element of direct consultation with prisoners.

In 2006, Durcan conducted just such a needs assessment in

5 prisons in the United Kingdom that involved interviewing

about 100 prisoners in depth (9). The prisoners included

men, women and young males and juveniles, some

sentenced and some awaiting trial or sentence. Some

of the prisoners had severe and enduring mental health

problems and some had mild to moderate mental health

problems. Despite the heterogeneous nature of the

sample of prisoners interviewed, the way in which they

saw their mental health needs being best met were

remarkably similar. The findings from this exercise are not

unique to these prisons nor are they likely to be unique to

90

Prisons and health

western Europe. A striking finding about prisoners’ views

on the best way to improve their mental health, when

compared to the findings from interviews conducted

with staff (particularly health and mental health staff),

was the emphasis on social recovery and the meeting of

their most basic survival needs. The lists of needs that

both staff and prisoners identified were similar, but the

order of priority was markedly different. Professionals

tended to give prominence to direct mental health

interventions, such as medication and psychological

therapy, but the prisoners (who often focused most on

their release) prioritized access to housing, access to

adequate funds (especially through a job), and often

support for a substance misuse problem as their first

health need. The following summarizes these prisoners’

views of their mental health needs.

Someone to talk to

A non-judgemental person for a prisoner to talk to could

be a psychiatrist, therapist or counsellor, or even a peer

mentor.

Preparation for release

Most prisoners will eventually leave prison. Many current

prisoners may have left prison before, failed to reintegrate

successfully into society and want help with getting a

place to live and enough money (preferably through a job)

and support with any substance misuse problems.

Something meaningful to do

Prisoners want to be active and preferably involved in an

activity that might help them when they leave prison, such

as work or training to get work on release. Prisoners with

mental health problems are no different; indeed, there is

strong evidence that work is effective in helping people

with mental health problems to recover (11).

For young people and children, access to education should

be an important part of their purposeful activity in prison.

Help in a crisis

Prisoners say they need someone to talk to and provide

support when they most need it. If a prisoner receives bad

news from home, being able to talk to someone can help

reduce the likelihood of any deterioration.

Therapy and medication

Prisoners do recognize the importance of getting the right

medication and support in using it if and when they need

it, just as professionals do.

Advocacy

Prisons can be harsh environments where, by definition, a

prisoner loses much control over his or her life. This can

induce a sense of powerlessness, which is aggravated

in the more vulnerable prisoners with mental health

problems. Sometimes this means that even when the

right help is available, prisoners may not feel able to

seek it. The importance of having someone to talk to who

can represent the prisoner’s needs becomes all the more

urgent. As well as health professionals, the role of peer

mentors is being recognized in this area.

Prisoners’ views on what constitutes a

good mental health service

Prisoners in focus groups conducted by Rob Jayne in 2006

(12) identified the following positive characteristics of a

mental health service:

• an ability to form trusting relationships with health

professionals;

• continuity of care;

• not being misinformed or deceived with false

information;

• clear and detailed information regarding side-effects

of medications;

• education about the nature of their illness;

• involvement in planning their own care and pathways

of care;

• rapid transfer to hospital if treatment cannot take

place in the prison when acutely unwell;

• treatment or therapy appropriate to a prisoner’s

condition.

Mental health awareness in the prison

system

If improving mental well-being is going to be a whole prison

responsibility, then awareness of what supports

mental health and the ability to recognize mental health

problems are crucial. There are many approaches to

mental health awareness training. Some prison staff may

require more extensive training than others, but all prison

staff and managers require some training. Ideally the basic

training for any prison officer should include a module on

prison mental health well-being, with opportunities to

refresh this knowledge. Some prisoners with experience

of mental health problems can make an extremely useful

contribution by providing insights that a professional

trainer often does not have.

Prisoners and their families

Many prisoners will lose contact with their families, and

this can have a negative impact on both parties. The

focus of this chapter is on the prisoner, but it should be

recognized that imprisonment of parents can lead to poor

outcomes for their children. This is particularly critical

when a mother or the more active carer is imprisoned.

Maintaining contact for both male and female prisoners

(where appropriate) is important.

91

Mental health in prison

From the perspective of prisoners with mental illness, their

families are often the sole source of support. They may

be critical for a prisoner to re-enter society successfully.

Prisoners who are fortunate enough to get jobs on release

often do so through personal contacts, primarily their families.

Maintaining healthy social networks is important for good

mental health and, like many interventions that are likely to

maintain and improve a prisoner’s mental health, keeping

contact with his or her family is not the sole domain of the

prison health/mental health service. The health services

do, however, have a role in the recognition of a prisoner’s

needs and advocacy on behalf of the prisoner in the local community.

It is important to foster the links between younger

prisoners and their families, especially their carers or

parents. This should include supporting positive parenting approaches.

Diagnosis and assessment

Many textbooks describe the signs and symptoms of

mental illness and their assessment, as does WHO

in Mental health primary care in prison (13). This text

provides recommendations to diagnosis for a wide

range of psychiatric disorders, symptom and assessment

checklists and treatment responses.

Screening and assessment

Prisons have very little control over who arrives at their

gates but they can control the detection of poor mental

health in new prisoners. This is not just crucial in ensuring

appropriate interventions and the best outcome for

prisoners, but can also help in increasing the safety of

both prisoners and staff and in the running of the regime.

In practice, screening immediately on arrival may not

achieve all that could be desired because prison reception

areas can be busy, with little space allowing for privacy

and often time limitations. Often the most that can be

achieved on arrival is a crude screening for the most

obvious signs of poor mental health or the most obvious

risks. It is, therefore, strongly recommended that either

the health staff, or prison staff with some training, should

conduct a more detailed screening in the first few days, to

include the following:

• look for signs of poor mental health in the past;

• check the prisoner’s current mental health;

• look for signs of particular symptoms of poor mental health;

• check for addiction problems;

• look for evidence of learning disability or difficulty;

• gauge possible traits suggesting personality disorder;

• look for evidence of autistic spectrum disorder;

• look for signs of possible head injury;

• try to learn something of the social and relational

circumstances of the prisoner;

• ask about aspects of the offence or alleged offence –

certain offences (such as where violence is used or those

that carry greater legal sanctions) can add to the risk of

poor mental health and even self-harm and suicide;

• check any aspect which may make the prisoner more vulnerable.

The sources of information that can be used for screening

are numerous and include the prisoners themselves

together with written reports and information arriving

with them. For younger people, parents should be an

important source of information.

Mechanisms for the continuing monitoring of prisoners

with potential risks are important. These can include

reviewing the use of health resources in the prison and

regularly checking with the prison staff who have dayto-

day contact with the prisoners about any changes in

their behaviour. In practice, such monitoring can prove

difficult, as prison health and mental health services tend

to be under pressure. Additional sources are the courts or

police, health and other services in the prisoner’s home

community, observations by prison staff working with the

prisoner, other prisoners and the prisoner’s family.

Young people may manifest poor mental health in very

different ways to adults. Difficulties in communication,

challenging behaviour and behavioural difficulties could

be signs of poor mental health.

Treatment in prison

The social structure in a prison is often relatively stable.

Basic rules give safety and oversight, and basic needs

(food, shelter) are met. For many inmates, this was not the

case before they were imprisoned. This means that prison

can be the place where disorders can be (re)detected,

diagnosed and given basic treatment. It should be

possible to give basic interventions, such as psychological

support through counselling from a psychologist, nurse

or stable peer, and psychotropic medications such as

antipsychotics, as well as to motivate patients for

treatment and medication during and after prison and to

stabilize addiction problems.

For a limited number of severely psychiatric-disordered

prisoners, it will also be necessary to have a crisis facility

within or outside the national prison system, the latter

depending on the relevant legislation. These facilities

should be adequately staffed. They can also be used as a

training facility for staff in other prisons.

92

Personality disorders

It is probable that a high proportion of both male and

female prisoners will suffer from at least some personality

disorder traits, especially antisocial personality disorder and traits.

The Sainsbury Centre for Mental Health (12) describes

personality disorders in the following way:

People with a personality disorder can have difficulty dealing

with other people. They tend to be unable to respond to

the changes and demands of life. Although they feel that

their behaviour patterns are perfectly acceptable, people

with personality disorders tend to have a narrow view of

the world and find it difficult to participate in normal social

activities. Consequently their behaviour deviates markedly

from the expectations of their culture. It is persistent and

inflexible, and can often lead to distress for themselves or others.

Some prisoners with personality disorders will pose the

highest danger to others, but most will not. How they

relate to others can prove challenging to prison staff.

There is limited evidence about the treatability of these

disorders, particularly in prisons, but an understanding

of them applied to the management of these prisoners

can lead to improved outcomes and can help staff who

may otherwise find people with personality disorders

challenging. Often, the basic rule is to offer structure and

a form of support.

Training that includes awareness of personality disorders

should be part of broader mental health awareness

training. Since it is likely that a large number of prisoners

will have personality disorders, prisons should aim to

be much more psychologically informed environments.

All staff should have a good grounding in the different

forms of personality disorder and the way each can affect

behaviour. Equally important, staff should be aware of the

impact their behaviour and responses can have on such

prisoners. Ideally, regular opportunities should be provided

for all staff to meet a psychologist or similarly trained

professional to reflect on their interactions with these

prisoners, and even plan interactions and interventions.

Continuity of care

Prison is often a limited phase in a person’s life. Prison

mental health care professionals should use information

about a prisoner’s earlier treatments and try to ensure

that treatment is continued after his or her release (if

necessary), especially for the severely mentally ill. If

help and support has been possible in prison, part of the

answer to a successful re-entry into society is to ensure

that similar help and support continues outside. It can be

hugely difficult for prison health services to reconnect

prisoners to external health services, sometimes due

to unwillingness on the part of the external service,

sometimes due to limited prison health resources or a

prison being located a considerable distance away from

the prisoner’s home. Once again, some prison systems have

begun using peer mentors to support such reconnecting:

a mentor meets the prisoner on release and comes with

him or her to visit services that might help, thus providing

active advocacy. Society has a broad interest both in the

stability of ex-prisoners with psychiatric disorders and in

a lower rate of recidivism.

Meeting the needs of different groups in

the prison population

Prisons include many different groups. Three such groups

are considered below, to show that one approach to

mental health care will not suit all prisoners.

Women

Several surveys show that the prevalence of poor mental

well-being among women is even higher than among the

general prison population. It is also more common for

women prisoners to have experienced traumatic events,

such as sexual abuse. Additionally, women may well have

been the main carer for their children and imprisonment

often involves separation from them, which can add to the

difficulties they experience with their mental health.

Young people

For incarcerated children and young people, special

attention should be given to the United Nations

Convention on the Rights of the Child (4), in particular to

article 40 dealing with justice for juveniles, and article 25

dealing with children held in care, including those held in

custody. All the other articles also apply to children and

young people in prison, however, and a prison system

catering for children and young people must ensure that

all of them are adequately addressed. The Convention

is crucial to the maintenance of children’s and young

people’s well-being. The United Nations Children’s Fund

provides a useful summary fact sheet (14), while General

Comment No. 10 on the Convention includes a discussion

of Article 40 (15).

Children and adolescents will often manifest poor mental

health differently from adults, and the treatments and

interventions for them need to reflect this. This also

applies to young adults who may legally be regarded as

adults (at 18 or 21 years, for example) but who may have

very specific needs. Young adults may well express their

thoughts and emotions differently and often have a very

different language to describe their feelings compared to

older people. This can add to the difficulty in detecting

93

and recognizing mental health needs in young people.

Additionally, their cognition is different to that of a mature adult.

Foreign prisoners and prisoners from different

cultural communities

Foreign prisoners can experience greater isolation than

other prisoners and can face greater uncertainty about

life after release, which can add to any difficulties with

their mental health. If possible, foreign prisoners should

be transferred to prisons in their own countries.

Awareness of mental illness, and the language used to

describe it, can differ between cultural communities. In

some communities there is an even greater stigma around

mental illness. Diverse cultural needs pose a major

challenge, but direct consultation with different groups of

prisoners can help to get an understanding of their needs

and how these might be addressed. Language barriers

often lead to difficulties in communication for both

foreign prisoners and health care staff. In such situations,

inmates and health professionals should benefit from the

services of a qualified interpreter, as recommended by the

Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or

Degrading Treatment or Punishment (16). The relevant

authorities should try to ensure that an adequate number

of suitably qualified interpreters are trained and available.

The recovery approach

The needs of a person with mental illness are not

necessarily determined by their diagnosis. Prisoners with

schizophrenia, depression or personality disorder, while

suffering from very different disorders, may have similar

needs. This is because mental health problems do not just

manifest themselves as a set of clinical symptoms. Poor

mental health has many social symptoms and can have

an impact on people’s housing, employment, finances,

ability to meaningfully occupy themselves, relationships

and social networks.

The notion of mental health recovery is gaining greater

credence in many countries as the ultimate goal. It

provides a radically new way of thinking about mental

services and care, moving away from professionalization.

It is not one and the same as clinical recovery; indeed it

is recognized that some people with mental illness will

continue to experience the symptoms of their illness.

Mental health recovery is much more about social

recovery and supporting the sufferer in overcoming

many social deficits, thereby improving their quality

of life. Such recovery is self-defined. Professionals

cannot “recover” their patients: recovery is something

that can only be achieved by the person experiencing

the mental health problem. The role of the professional

is to facilitate this. Mental health services that give

credence to this notion of mental health recovery are

giving greater emphasis to a different type of expert, the

“expert by experience”. People who have experienced

recovery themselves can provide credible support to

current sufferers. In some areas, such “experts” are

being employed by mental health services to become

peer mentors and advocates.

The roles of peers and mentors

In some prisons, prisoners already provide a peer mentor

role, usually on a voluntary basis. Some ex-offenders also

provide mentoring, some on a voluntary basis and some

as employees. While peer mentoring is not totally costneutral

(training, support and coordination are crucial), it

provides considerable value for the small investment it

takes. Peer mentors are “experts by experience”: those

that have experience of recovering from poor mental

health can provide credible support for other prisoners.

In some prison systems, ex-prisoners provide mentoring

support on release and give crucial support to otherwise

isolated people. This usually involves meeting prisoners

at the prison gate and being available, especially during

the first few weeks when a released prisoner can be at his

or her most vulnerable.

Inside prisons, mentors can have very different roles.

Some provide advice and guidance for new prisoners (a

potentially vulnerable group), some provide crisis support

and some provide health promotion advice.

Peers in a mentoring role are not unique to mental health,

and in prison systems they can provide a critical role in

supporting fellow prisoners in a process of change and

rehabilitation. In some countries they already do so, and

some ex-offenders can provide a mentoring support role to

released prisoners who may not necessarily be suffering

from mental health difficulties. This can also be a cheap

and effective tool for low-income countries.

The following set of principles is quoted by the Sainsbury

Centre for Mental Health in its paper Making recovery a

reality (17) from Recovery – concepts and application by Laurie Davidson:

• Recovery is about building a meaningful and satisfying

life, as defined by the person themselves, whether or not

there are ongoing or recurring symptoms or problems.

• Recovery represents a movement away from pathology,

illness and symptoms to health, strengths and wellness.

• Hope is central to recovery and can be enhanced by each

person seeing how they can have more active control

over their lives (‘agency’) and by seeing how others have

found a way forward.

94

• Self-management is encouraged and facilitated. The

processes of self-management are similar, but what

works may be very different for each individual. No ‘one size fits all’.

• The helping relationship between clinicians and patients

moves away from being expert/patient to being ‘coaches’

or ‘partners’ on a journey of discovery. Clinicians are

there to be “on tap, not on top”.

• People do not recover in isolation. Recovery is closely

associated with social inclusion and being able to take

on meaningful and satisfying social roles within local

communities, rather than in segregated services.

• Recovery is about discovering – or re-discovering – a

sense of personal identity, separate from illness or disability.

• The language used and the stories and meanings that are

constructed have great significance as mediators of the

recovery process. These shared meanings either support

a sense of hope and possibility, or invite pessimism and chronicity.

• The development of recovery-based services emphasizes

the personal qualities of staff as much as their formal

qualifications. It seeks to cultivate their capacity for hope,

creativity, care, compassion, realism and resilience.

• Family and other supporters are often crucial to recovery

and they should be included as partners wherever

possible. However, peer support is central for many

people in their recovery.

Diversion and liaison

Some people with mental health problems come into

prison for relatively minor offences that could be dealt

with in the community with appropriate treatment and

support. Others who commit more serious offences related

to their mental illness may be better treated in a secure

hospital rather than a prison, where one exists. In both

cases, the mental health services need to work closely

with the police and courts to identify people with mental

health problems, make recommendations to the police

and/or courts, and provide packages of care as soon as

possible that address the needs of the people concerned.

Mental health services working with the police and courts

attempt to divert people with mental health problems,

where appropriate, either to community- or hospitalbased

services. When a person is being sent to prison,

the mental health service working with the police or court

passes information to the prison health service to ensure

continuity of care. Such services provide an important

liaison role between the criminal justice system and

community health and social care services.

These services obviously go beyond what prison mental

health services can provide. A system of comprehensive

community mental health care should see those who

enter (and leave) the criminal justice system as part of

their business.

References

1. Houchin R. Social exclusion and imprisonment in Scotland:

a report. Glasgow, Glasgow Caledonian University,

2005 (http://www.scotpho.org.uk/downloads/ Social

ExclusionandImprisonmentinScotland.pdf, accessed

26 November 2013).

2. Blaauw E, van Marle H. Mental health in prisons. In:

Moller L et al., eds. Health in prisons. A WHO guide

to the essentials in prison health. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2007 (http://www.euro.

who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/99018/E90174.

pdf, accessed 28 November 2013).

3. Standard minimum rules for the treatment of prisoners.

New York, NY, United Nations, 1955 (http://www.

unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6b36e8.html, accessed

10 November 2013).

4. Convention on the Rights of the Child. Geneva, High

Commissioner for Human Rights, 1989 (United Nations

General Assembly resolution 44/25, 2 September

1990) (http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/

Pages/CRC.aspx, accessed 15 November 2013).

5. Lines R. From equivalence of standards to equivalence

of objectives: the entitlement of prisoners to health

care standards higher than those outside prisons.

International Journal of Prisoner Health, 2006,

2(4):269–280.

6. Singleton N, Meltzer H, Gatward R. Psychiatric

morbidity among prisoners in England and Wales.

London, Office for National Statistics, 1998.

7. Fazel S, Doll H, Langstrom N. Mental disorders among

adolescents in juvenile detention and correctional

facilities: a systematic review and metaregression

analysis of 25 surveys. Journal of the American

Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 2008,

47(9):1010–1019.

8. Fazel S, Benning R, Danesh J. Suicides in male

prisoners in England and Wales, 1978–2003. The

Lancet, 2005, 366:1301–1302.

9. Durcan G. From the inside. Experiences of prison mental

health care. London, Sainsbury Centre for Mental

Health, 2008 (http://www.centreformentalhealth.org.

uk/pdfs/From_the_Inside.pdf, accessed 28 November

2013).

10. Mental health and prisons. Geneva, World Health

Organization, 2005 (Information Sheet) (http://www.

who.int/mental_health/policy/mh_in_prison.pdf,

accessed 28 November 2013).

11. Personality disorder: a briefing for people working in

the criminal justice system. London, Sainsbury Centre

for Mental Health, 2009 (http://www.centreformental

95

health.org.uk/pdfs/personality_disorder_briefing.pdf,

accessed 28 November 2013).

12. Jayne R. Service user engagement in prison mental

health inreach service development. Mental Health

Review, 2006, 11(2):21–24.

13. Mental health primary care in prison [web site].

London. WHO Collaborating Centre for Research and

Training, King’s College London, 2002 (http://www.

prisonmentalhealth.org/mental_health_checklists.html,

accessed 28 November 2013).

14. A summary of the United Nations Convention on the

Rights of the Child. London, United Nations Children’s

Fund United Kingdom, 2013 (http://childrenandyouth

programme.info/pdfs/pdfs_uncrc/uncrc_summary_

version.pdf, accessed 27 November 2013).

15. Forty-fourth session of the Committee on the Rights of

the Child. General Comment No. 10 (2007). Children’s

rights in juvenile justice. Geneva, United Nations,

2007 (http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/docs/

CRC.C.GC.10.pdf, accessed 27 November 2013).

16. Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman

or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Foreign

Prisoners: the CPT Standards. 17th Council of Europe

Conference of Directors of Prison Administration

(Rome, 22–24 November 2012). Presentation by Latif

Huseynov, President of the European Committee for

the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading

Treatment or Punishment (CPT) (http://www.

coe.int/t/DGHL/STANDARDSETTING/PRISONS/

Conference_17_en_files/Foreign%20prisoners%20

-%20the%20CPT%20standards%20(2).pdf, accessed

28 November 2013).

17. Shepherd G, Boardman J, Slade M. Making recovery

a reality. London, Sainsbury Centre for Mental Health,

2008 (http://www.centreformentalhealth.org.uk/

pdfs/Making_recovery_a_reality_policy_paper.pdf,

accessed 26 November 2013).

96

Prisons and health

97

The essentials: why prison health deserves priority in the interests of public health,

the duty of care, human rights and social justice

Oral health

98

Prisons and health

99

12. Dental health in prisons

Ruth Gray, Sue Gregory

Key points

• Good dental health is as important for prisoners as it is

for everybody else.

• Many prisoners suffer from poor oral health when they

enter prison.

• Many prisoners only access dental services when they

are imprisoned.

• Prisons should offer a comprehensive dental health

care service and provide an appropriate range of

treatments based on patients’ clinical needs.

• Oral health should be included in prisoner induction

programmes and health triage systems.

• Oral health promotion should be an integral part of

health service provision.

• Prison dental teams should be clinically experienced

and competent.

• Dental teams should encompass a varied mix of skills

and include dental hygienists, therapists and oral

health educators, where appropriate.

• Commissioners of dental services for prisons should

have a good understanding of the complex needs of

prisoners and the difficulties of providing a dental

service in the prison structure.

• Remuneration systems for dental professionals

should be appropriately weighted for patients’ special

conditions and the special requirements of the prison

environment.

Introduction

The oral health needs of prisoners are complex. Coupled

with chronic diseases and high levels of co-morbidity, this

creates a high demand for dental services. The prison

dental team needs to have good clinical experience and

competence and a good understanding of the prison

structures and processes. Commissioners and managers

of services should be aware of the special demands of

providing prison dentistry and should plan, evaluate and

remunerate these services accordingly.

Oral health

The oral health needs of the prison population are greater

than those of the general population. Prisoners exhibit a

higher prevalence of dental caries compared to the general

population, with considerable unmet needs for treatment.

Studies have revealed that prisoners had significantly

more decayed and missing teeth and fewer restorations

than the general population (1–3).

A high prevalence of periodontal disease has been

recorded among prisoners (4), exacerbated by the large

number of prisoners who smoke, misuse substances and

exhibit stress-induced parafunctional habits.9

Current evidence supports the finding that these high

levels of oral disease have an impact on prisoners’ quality

of life (5).

General impact of general health on oral

health

Prisoners have a disproportionately high prevalence of

health problems. A high prevalence of infectious disease,

chronic medical conditions and psychological disorders

has been reported. Additionally, prisoners are likely to

experience social exclusion (6).

Studies have shown that the prevalence of dental caries

and periodontal disease is higher among substance

misusers than in the general population (7). Mental health

illness among prisoners is also associated with oral health

issues such as xerostomia, smoking and poor oral hygiene.

The behavioural management of people with mental

health problems or those who have experienced sexual or

physical abuse must be competent and appropriate, and

the dental team should be given relevant training (8).

Utilization of the prison dental service

The demand for dental services in prisons is high, resulting

in long waiting-lists for dental care. Many prisoners only

access dental services when they are incarcerated; outside

prison they often only seek emergency dental care (9).

A study of young offenders in the United States found

that the commonest reason for health care visits was

for dental care (10), while the results of an Australian

study revealed that prisoners used the prison dental

service to a greater extent than they had used general

dentists before being incarcerated (11). An Irish study

examining and interviewing methadone and heroin

users in Dublin revealed that their most likely access

to dentistry was through the prison dental service (12).

9 Parafunctional habits are the habitual use of the mouth in ways unrelated to eating, drinking or speaking, such as teeth-grinding or nail-biting.

100

Prisons and health

Many prisoners only become aware of their poor oral

health when they enter prison and start a detoxification

regime. The analgesic properties of substances such as

opiates or alcohol mask dental disease. Once these are

removed, the patient may experience severe pain and

seek immediate dental care.

In a prison survey, 76.8% of participants claimed to

have difficulty accessing dental care. The barriers they

cited included lack of information about dental services,

anxiety, long waiting-lists, appointments clashing with

legal and family visits, transfers between prisons and

lack of an available escort to take prisoners to dental

appointments (3).

Provision of prison dental services

Equity of access to health care is a key aim of prison dental

services. The Strategy for modernising dental services

for prisoners in England (13) calls for prisons to identify

resources and operational issues specific to prisons to

meet the dental needs of prisoners. The most significant

challenges to prison health providers were summarized

in the document Reforming prison dental services in

England. A guide to good practice (14) (Fig. 3).

Accessibility of dental services

On committal, every prisoner undergoes a medical

assessment, which should include an oral health

screening assessment. A dental care professional or

trained member of health care staff can conduct a dental

triage at committal. This initial screening assessment can

be used to prioritize dental treatment (3,15).

A prisoner should undergo an induction programme soon

after committal. This should include information about

the medical and dental services, which should be simple

and accessible and outline the dental services available

in the prison, details of how to make a referral, patients’

entitlements and the range of treatments available.

To ensure that services are efficient, the dental team must

work in close cooperation with the prison officers and health

care staff. Prisoners or health care staff can make referrals.

Protocols are necessary for these referral processes.

Fig. 3. The challenges in providing effective dental care to prisoners

Source: Harvey et al. (16).

Needs

• High levels of need

• Longstanding neglect in oral health

• Routine checks and health promotion given

less priority due to high needs

• Drug misuse and smoking increase dental

health needs

Demand • Nutrition

• Demanding consumers

• Tumover of prison

population

• Difficulties in

providing continuity of

care

• Interrupted treatments

and non-attendance Resources

• Availability of dental care products

• Outdated facilities and equipment

• Lack of space

• Lack of funding for health promotion and

additional sessions

• Insufficient staff for treatment and for security

• Staff training and quality assurance

Supply

• Shortages in dental time

• Sessions shortened by

security procedures

• Recruitment and retention

• Quality of dental care

• Availability of routine

treatment in some prisons

• Availability of oral health

promotion

Waiting times

101

Dental health in prisons

Many prison dental services do not work at full capacity

due to delays and cancellations of appointments. It is

essential that a coordinated approach is taken with

the prison management to maximize sessions, with a

high priority given to dental appointments in prisoner

movement programmes.

The frequent transfer of prisoners between prisons

causes much difficulty in accessing services. Where

possible, a record of ongoing dental treatment should be

transferred with the prisoner. Continuity of care between

prison and the community dental services is reliant upon

clear communication and robust protocols on release of

the prisoner.

Good clinical practice

The high quality of dental care in prisons should be based

on the principles of clinical governance.

Prison dental teams have the responsibility of looking

after patients in a high-risk environment. Good equipment,

infection control and decontamination procedures are

essential. Evidence-based practice should be the focus of

each service (14).

Good record-keeping is essential, and training in the

response to legal queries is recommended. The dental

notes in every prison should be integrated into the

prisoner’s clinical record.

Dental teams should incorporate the values of fairness,

respect, equality, dignity and autonomy into high

standards of clinical care and the provision of a service

accessible to all.

Oral health promotion

The Strategy for modernising dental services for prisoners

in England (13) stated that prisons should aim “to raise

awareness of good oral health throughout the prison,

among prisoners, prison staff and voluntary agencies

working in prisons”.

Most prisons recognize the importance of oral health

promotion although not all have the resources or

capacity to do so (14). A tension exists between the

high demand for treatment, long waiting-lists and

time to conduct health promotion initiatives. It is

suggested that dental teams include time dedicated

to oral health promotion activities in their job plans,

and work in collaboration with the prison governor and

staff to aim for a holistic approach to oral health care

(Fig. 4) (16).

Fig. 4. Good practices for prison dental health services

Source: Bose & Jenner (16).

Holistic approach

and contributing to

changes in diet and

nutrition, as this can

greatly improve

prisoners’ dental

health

Ensuring that the

governor and prison

officers understand the

importance of good oral

health and dental care

satisfaction and

security

Networking

between prison dentists

and the external dental

community to avold

professional isolation

Make effective use of

existing resources to

increase dental activity and

reduce waiting times

102

Prisons and health

The availability of materials for dental care is limited.

Toothbrushes and toothpaste are available, but a better

range of toothbrushes, higher fluoride concentration in

toothpaste, interdental aids and fluoride products are not

available or are expensive to buy in prisons (14). A study

concluded that improvements in the prison issue oral

health kits led to better oral health and hygiene among

the population (4).

Coordinated health promotion programmes, involving the

common risk factor approach, should be interdisciplinary

with the dental team also involved in their planning and

administration.

A prison shop can be an important part of the prisoner’s

week, enabling a small amount of autonomy. It is

recommended that the dental team work with the

administrators of the shop to highlight and promote

healthy options for prisoners, and evaluate this regularly.

Good oral health enables individuals to communicate

effectively and is important to the overall quality of life,

self-esteem and social confidence.

The dental team

To provide an efficient and effective dental service, the

dental team must have a good understanding of the prison

structures and processes. They must be able to interact with

the prison managers and health care and security staff.

All prisons should provide support for dentists working

in a prison environment by ensuring that there is an

effective induction programme. They should also ensure

that dentists have the appropriate qualifications and work

within a clinical quality assurance framework.

The dental team often works in isolation and should have

good clinical experience and be competent in simple oral

surgery techniques.

There should be a good skill mix of dental professionals

in the team, including dental hygienists and therapists to

plan and run oral care clinics and initiatives.

The dental team should collaborate with other prison

health care staff and dental teams to produce relevant

research evidence in this field.

All dental teams working in prisons have a duty to

undertake continuing professional development and

should be encouraged and supported to attend courses

and conferences related to prison dentistry. They should

demonstrate appropriate professional standards through

peer review, appraisal and clinical audit.

Commissioning prison dental services

Commissioning is one of the means by which the best

value service is secured. A good commissioning process

includes five components (16).

1. An oral health needs assessment assesses the oral

health needs of the population and reviews the

resources and capacity of the existing service.

2. Following the needs assessment, priorities should be

decided in terms of the range of dental treatments

available, length of a prisoner’s stay, management of

referrals, prevention, skill mix of the team, research

priorities, risk management and the creation of a

supportive prison environment. Strategic planning

should be carried out and minimum standards assured.

3. A service-level agreement should be developed and

the services reviewed against it. The agreement

should be specific to the prison dental service and take

into account the high prevalence of oral disease, the

complex needs of prisoners and the difficulties in and

barriers to providing a dental service in the prison.

4. Commissioners are encouraged to shape the supply

and manage the market by using open tendering in

their procurement strategy to ensure innovation,

quality and value.

5. Arrangements should be made to manage performance

and support quality improvement through frequent

service reviews, using a robust and balanced set of

measures for quality improvement (17).

Remuneration systems for service payment should be

appropriately weighted for the special conditions and

complex demands of the prison environment.

References

1. Nobile C et al. Oral health status of male prisoners in

Italy. International Dental Journal, 2007, 57:27–35.

2. Cunningham M et al. Dental disease prevalence in a

prison population. Journal of Public Health Dentistry,

1985, 45:49–52.

3. Jones C et al. Dental health of prisoners in the north

west of England in 2000: literature review and dental

health survey results. Community Dental Health, 2005,

22:113–117.

4. Heidari E et al. Oral health of remand prisoners in HMP

Brixton, London. Journal of Disability and Oral Health,

2008, 9:18–21.

5. McGrath C. Oral health behind bars: a study of oral

disease and its impact on the quality of an older prison

population. Gerodontology, 2002, 19:109–114.

6. Lindquist CH, Lindquist CA. Health behind bars: utilisation

and evaluation of medical care among jail inmates.

Journal of Community Health, 1999, 24:285–303.

7. Molendijk B et al. Dental health in Dutch drug addicts.

Community Dental Oral Epidemiology, 1996, 24:117–119.

103

Dental health in prisons

8. Dougall A, Fiske J. Access to special care dentistry,

Part 6. Special care dentistry services for young

people. British Dental Journal, 2008, 205:235–249.

9. Bollin K, Jones D. Oral health needs of adolescents

in a juvenile detention facility. Journal of Adolescent

Health, 2006, 38:638–640.

10. Anderson B, Farrow J. Incarcerated adolescents in

Washington State. Health services and utilisation.

Journal of Adolescent Health, 1998, 22:363–367.

11. Osborn M, Butler T, Barnard P. Oral health status

of prison inmates, New South Wales, Australia.

Australian Dental Journal, 2003, 48:34–38.

12. Gray R. Survey of oral health status of methadone

clients in ERHA. Cork, University College Cork, 2002.

13. Strategy for modernising dental services for prisoners

in England. London, Department of Health, 2003.

14. Harvey S et al. Reforming prison dental services

in England. A guide to good practice. London,

Department of Health, 2005 (http://www.ohrn.nhs.

uk/conferences/past/D160905PCW.pdf, accessed

28 November 2013).

15. Gray R. Before the surgery visit. In: Falcon H. Dentistry in

prisons, a guide to working within the prison environment.

London, Stephen Hancocks Ltd, 2010:6–13.

16. Bose A, Jenner T. Dental health in prisons. In: Moller L et

al., eds. Health in prisons: a WHO guide to the essentials

of prison health. Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for

Europe, 2007:149 (http://www.euro.who.int/__data/

assets/pdf_file/0009/99018/E90174.pdf, accessed

6 November 2013).

17. Health reform in England: update and commissioning

framework. Annex: the commissioning framework.

London, Department of Health, 2006.

104

Prisons and health

105

The essentials: why prison health deserves priority in the interests of public health,

the duty of care, human rights and social justice

Risk factors

106

Prisons and health

107

13. Drug use and related consequences among prison

populations in European countries

Linda Montanari, Luis Royuela, Manuela Pasinetti, Isabelle Giraudon, Lucas Wiessing, Julian Vicente

Key points

• A history of drug use is common among European

prisoners, with levels disproportionately high

compared to the general population.

• Health problems, especially communicable diseases

and psychiatric co-morbidity, are especially prevalent

among prisoners using drugs.

• The mortality risk in the first weeks after release from

prison is extremely high.

• Relevant differences are reported between European

countries in drug use and drug-related problems

among prisoners.

• In European countries, valid and comparable data on

drug use and related consequences among prisoners

are still scarce and harmonization work is needed

Introduction

Prisons are places with difficult living conditions, where

populations from poor communities and marginal social

groups are overrepresented (1).

According to data from the Council of Europe, about 635 000

people were estimated to be in penal institutions in the

28 EU member states and Norway on 1 September 2010,

an average of 135 prisoners per 100 000 population in

European countries (ranging from 60–70 per 100 000

population in Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Slovenia

and Sweden to over 200 in the Czech Republic, Estonia,

Latvia, Lithuania and Poland). This figure is lower than

in some large countries, for example 620 in the Russian

Federation and 740 in the United States (2).

Drug users, including problematic drug users,10 often

represent a large part of the prison population. Drug users

may be reported among prisoners who are sentenced for a

drug offence such as supply or use (although many of them

are only drug traffickers), among prisoners sentenced for

a crime committed to support their drug use and among

people imprisoned for offences not related to drugs. The

available data on drug use among prisoners usually reflect

the whole prison population, without a breakdown by type

of sentence.

Even though many drug users stop or reduce their use of

drugs when they enter prison, some continue to use and

some may even start to use drugs there (4–6).

At present, data on illicit drug use and its consequences

among prisoners in Europe are limited, and there are

significant national differences in data collection methods.

This should be borne in mind when data are interpreted.

Nevertheless, a general profile of drug users in European

prisons can be drawn from the latest data reported in

2011 (referring to 2010) by European countries to the

European Monitoring Centre for Drug and Drug Addiction

(EMCDDA) (5,6).

Drug use among the prison population

In Europe, data on past or current drug use among

prisoners are scarce and mainly based on research

studies and/or routine assessment at prison entry.

The availability, methods of collection and quality of

data vary greatly among countries. Data on drug use

among prisoners are reported by the EU countries to

the EMCDDA once a year. They refer to prisoners who

have ever used illicit drugs in their lifetimes and to

those who are currently using drugs while in prison,

but not to the recent history of drug use (in the last

year or last month). Furthermore, not all countries are

able to provide these data, and the number of reporting

countries varies according to the type of data and the

year of reporting.

Drug use and drug use patterns before

imprisonment

The most recent available data from EU countries (mainly

from 2010) show that a high percentage of prisoners have

used illicit drugs at some point in their lives (Fig. 5) (7).

Variations between countries appear to be important,

but they may also reflect differences in data collection

methods. Among 17 EU countries reporting data on drugs

and prison since 2000, the proportion of prisoners who

have ever used any drug ranges from 16% in Romania

to 79% in the United Kingdom (England and Wales) and

the Netherlands, with 9 countries reporting percentages

higher than 50%.11

10 The EMCDDA defines problem drug use as “injecting drug use or long-duration/regular use of opioids, cocaine and/or amphetamines” (3).

11 These percentages mainly correspond to the prevalence levels of people who have ever used cannabis (the illicit substance most frequently used).

108

Prisons and health

The most common drugs ever used by prisoners are,

in descending order, cannabis, cocaine, heroin and

amphetamines, the same as in the general population

even if the latter present a substantially lower prevalence

for all those substances.

Cannabis has the highest prevalence of lifetime use among

prisoners who have ever used any illicit drug (ranging from

12% to 70% of prisoners who have ever tried it). Cannabis

is also the most ever-used substance in the general

population, although the levels there are substantially

lower (1.6% to 33% among the group aged 15–64 years).

The prevalence of lifetime use of cocaine among prisoners

who have ever used any illicit drug ranges from 6% in

Romania to 53% in Spain (in the general population, the

prevalence rates range from 0.3% in Malta to 10% in

Spain); 7 out of 15 European countries where data were

available report a lifetime prevalence of cocaine use of

20–50% of prisoners. Amphetamine experience among

prisoners ranges from 1% to 45%, whereas among the

a Any of amphetamines, cannabis, crack, cocaine or heroin.

b Includes crack cocaine.

c Opioids.

Data refer to lifetime prevalence of use prior to imprisonment, with the exception of data for Belgium and Bulgaria, which refer to lifetime prevalence inside and

outside prison. The prisoner sample in Finland was made up of convicts presenting for voluntary HIV testing. In the United Kingdom, the sample consisted of adults

receiving sentences of between one month and four years. The studies were carried out in 2000 (Greece), 2001 (Finland), 2003 (Italy, Lithuania, Netherlands), 2005/6

(United Kingdom), 2006 (Romania, Spain), 2007 (Poland, Portugal), 2008 (Slovenia), 2009 (Hungary) and 2010 (Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Latvia).

Source: EMCDDA (7), based on data supplied by REITOX focal points.

general population the range is from almost 0% to 12%.

Lifetime prevalence of heroin use among the prisoners

who have ever used any illicit drugs ranges from 8 to

39%, with 8 out of 13 countries that were able to provide

information reporting levels in the range 15 to 39%. In

the general population, lifetime prevalence of heroin use

is below 1% in all countries. Equivalent data on lifetime

use of other substances (such as volatile substances,

hypnotics and sedatives) are hardly available in prison, or

are only reported by a few countries. For many of those

substances, prevalence rates among prisoners and among

the general population are usually low.

Data on more problematic patterns of drug use among

prisoners are limited. One international review of studies

on prisoners found that 25–50% of people received

into custody were clinically assessed as having serious

drug problems (8), often including opioid dependence.

Furthermore, a systematic review of 13 studies measuring

the prevalence of drug and alcohol abuse and dependence

Fig. 5. Lifetime prevalence of drug use among prisoners in European countries

Netherlands

United Kingdoma

Latvia

Belgium

Finland

Hungary

Italy

Portugal

Czech Republic

Lithuania

Poland

Greece

Bulgaria

Slovenia

Romania

Any illicit drug

80_

70_

60_

50_

40_

30_

20_

10_

0_

United Kingdom

Spain

Latvia

Belgium

Portugal

Hungary

Poland

Czech Republic

Italy

Bulgaria

Romania

Croatia

Cannabis

80_

70_

60_

50_

40_

30_

20_

10_

0_

Spain

United Kingdom

Italy

Belgiumb

Portugal

Hungary

Poland

Latvia

Bulgaria

Czech Republic

Croatia

Romania

Cocaine

80_

70_

60_

50_

40_

30_

20_

10_

0_

Hungary

Latvia

Poland

United Kingdom

Czech Republic

Finland

Spain

Bulgaria

Portugal

Croatia

Italy

Romania

Amphetamine

80_

70_

60_

50_

40_

30_

20_

10_

0_

Spain

United Kingdom

Italy

Portugal

Belgium

Latvia

Bulgaria

Hungary

Czech Republic

Poland

Romania

Croatia

Finlandc

Heroin

80_

70_

60_

50_

40_

30_

20_

10_

0_

109

Drug use and related consequences among prison

populations in European countries

in male and female prisoners on reception into prison

(n=7563) noted that 10–48% of men and 30–60% of

women were abusing or dependent on illicit drugs on entry

to prison (9,10). Although these data are mainly based on

American research, European prisoners also often have

histories of harmful patterns of drug use, including heroin

injection and polydrug use.

Drug injection (mainly of heroin) is a particularly harmful

way to use drugs, being associated with the spread of

communicable diseases, especially when drug injectors

share needles and/or other paraphernalia. Injecting use

is also associated with a higher risk of overdose, resulting

in significant mortality. Rates of ever-injecting drugs are

substantially higher among prisoners than among the

general population (on average, current injectors among

the general population are estimated to be 0.3% of all

adults). Based on available data, countries report that

between 5% and 38% of prisoners admit that they have

ever injected drugs prior to imprisonment (7).

Drug use and patterns of drug use in prison

Even if most users reduce or stop consuming drugs when

entering prison, it is recognized that illicit drugs find their

way into prisons. Furthermore, prison may be a setting for

initiation into drug use, initiation of the use of additional

drugs or for switching from one substance to another,

sometimes to more harmful patterns of drug use (11). The

reasons for switching to a different drug may be related to

a lack of the preferred substance inside prison, the choice

of substances for which it is easier to avoid control, or

other factors which are still unclear (9,12).

A Belgian study carried out in 2008 found that more than

one third of drug-using prisoners had started to use a new

additional drug during detention that they were not using

before prison, with heroin most frequently mentioned (13).

Studies carried out in 15 EU countries since 2000 estimate

that 2–56% of prisoners have ever used any type of drug

while incarcerated, with 9 countries reporting levels in

the range 20–40%. The drug most frequently used by

prisoners is cannabis, followed by cocaine and heroin.

The rates of prisoners who have ever used heroin while in

prison vary between 1% and 21% of prisoners. The wide

variation in prevalence rates between countries mainly

reflects methodological limitations, which are particularly

relevant when drug use prevalence is surveyed within

prisons.

Some prisoners may have been drug injectors in the

community and either continue to inject or start to

inject drugs while in prison. In the EU (according to

data reported since 2000), between 2% and 31% of

prisoners, depending on the country, are reported to have

ever injected any drug while in prison, although data are

limited to a few countries and methods for collecting data

vary greatly between them (for example, through surveys

or clinical assessments, self-reports or interviews). The

findings of qualitative studies suggest that in prison

settings the likelihood of injecting in order to maximize

the effect of the substance could increase, owing to the

scarcity of drugs. The scarcity of sterile equipment may

lead to prisoners sharing syringes and other injecting

paraphernalia (14).

The social characteristics of drug

treatment clients in prison

Information on the social characteristics of prisoners using

drugs is scarce and come mainly from qualitative studies

(15). In Europe, information on the characteristics of drug

users in prison is reported through the national reports

on the drug situation and the treatment demand indicator

(16), which refers to people who enter drug treatment in

specialized drug treatment centres, including treatment

units in prison (4,5).

Eight European countries (France, Germany, Ireland,

Luxembourg, Hungary, Romania, Slovakia, Sweden)

reported data on people who entered drug treatment in

prison in 2010 (n=5146 persons). In these countries, the

social profile of drug clients entering treatment in prison,

while generally similar to that of those entering treatment

in the community, had some distinct characteristics.

In prison, about 90% were males compared to 80% in

the community; they were slightly younger (29 years)

than those in the community (30 years), and reported

starting their drug use at an earlier age (18 years in prison

compared to 21 years in the community).

The social conditions of drug clients before entering

prison were generally poor. Many individuals had a low

educational level, were unemployed before entering

prison and/or were living in unstable accommodation.

Despite differences in definitions of what constitutes an

immigrant, the presence of immigrants among imprisoned

drug users is high and seems to have increased in the last

decade, although it is important to note that there is no

scientific evidence to suggest that drug use is higher or

lower among immigrants than in the general population.

Finally, many prisoners who have used or are using drugs

have a past history of violence, abuse and poverty (17–19).

Health problems

Communicable diseases

Prisoners, including drug users, suffer from high levels

of physical and psychiatric disorders, ranging from

110

Prisons and health

communicable diseases (HIV, hepatitis B and C, TB)

to psychiatric co-morbidity (antisocial and borderline

personality disorder, depression, post-traumatic stress

disorder, psychosis and alcohol dependence) (10,20,21).

European data on HIV infection among injecting drug

users in prison are limited. The prevalence of infection

does, however, vary and in some countries can be high

among prisoners who have ever injected. In the eight

countries providing communicable disease data to

the EMCDDA (Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic,

Finland, Hungary, Malta, Spain, Sweden), HIV prevalence

among injecting drug users in prisons was mostly low

to moderate (0–7.7%) in four countries, although Spain

reported a prevalence of 39.7%. According to EMCDDA

national reports, in countries with a high prevalence of

HIV among injectors outside prison, HIV prevalence is also

high among lifetime injectors in prison. Although no large

differences can be observed in HIV prevalence between

injecting drug users in prison and those in other settings,

it should be noted that prisons may concentrate a high

proportion of injectors and, therefore, the prevalence of

HIV in the overall prison population can be much higher

than in the general population (5,6,22).

Seven countries in Europe reported data on HCV antibody

prevalence among injecting drug users in prison, with a

range of 11.5% (Hungary) to 90.7% (Luxembourg). In the

Czech Republic, Luxembourg and Malta, HCV appears to

be somewhat more prevalent among injectors tested in

prison compared to those tested in other settings.

Psychiatric co-morbidity

Prisoners with a history of drug use often have multiple

and complex mental illnesses. Differences in psychiatric

morbidity between the prison population and the general

population are demonstrated by several studies, with

prisoners more often presenting a problematic mental

health profile. This involves both severe pathologies,

such as psychosis and personality disorders (especially

antisocial and borderline disorders), and other problems

such as anxiety and depression. A systematic review

of 62 surveys covering about 23 000 prisoners from 12

countries worldwide showed that up to 65% of prisoners

have a mental health disorder, ranging from personality

disorder (42–65%, mostly antisocial disorder) to major

depression (10–12%) to psychotic illnesses (4%,

including schizophrenia, schizophreniform disorder,

manic episodes and delusional disorder) (23). Those

disorders represent a serious risk factor for suicide,

which is the leading cause of death among prisoners

(23). Studies from European countries, including France,

Spain and the United Kingdom, support those results

(24). Particular attention has been drawn to personality

disorders, which are often associated with problem drug

use (25). In a French study, the most common problems

among prisoners with a diagnosis of psychiatric comorbidity

were depressive syndromes (40%), generalized

anxiety (33%), traumatic neuroses (20%), agoraphobia

(17%), schizophrenia (7%), and paranoia or chronic

hallucinatory psychoses (7%) (26).

Mortality among prisoners using drugs

Mortality among prisoners in general (both drug users and

non-drug users) is high, with suicide accounting for about

half of all prison deaths. Recent cohort studies in Europe

report that suicide accounts for 10–20% of deaths among

problem drug users in the community (10).

Increased mortality from all causes, and particularly

from drug overdoses on release, has been documented

in many countries (27). Prisoners should receive

particular attention during the period following release

because of their extreme vulnerability on return to the

community. This is when there is a very high risk of

overdose, frequently due to their relapse into heroin

use and reduced tolerance to opioids (28). A review of

drug-related deaths soon after release from prison in

Australia, Europe and the United States showed that 6

out 10 deaths in the first 12 weeks after release were

drug-related. The authors concluded that there is an

increased risk of drug-related death during the first

two weeks after release from prison and that the risk

remains elevated up to at least the fourth week (29).

A study in the United Kingdom (England and Wales)

also showed that 6 out of 10 deaths were drug-related

and that the risk of death was strikingly acute in the

first and second weeks following release from prison

(30). Male prisoners were 29 times more likely to die

and female prisoners were 69 times more likely to die

compared to the general population during the week

following their release (30). In Ireland, an investigation

of deaths among drug users following release from

prison between 1998 and 2005 showed a considerable

risk of death at the time of release: of 105 deaths

observed after release from prison, 28% occurred

within the first week of release and a further 18% in

the first month (31).

Methodological limitations

The data presented in this chapter have several

methodological limitations, partly related to the subject

(drug use) and the setting (prison) of the analysis, and

partly to the lack of European harmonization. Clustering,

self-selection and self-reporting biases particularly affect

data collection and research in prison settings. Validity

biases are particularly evident due to the sensitivity of the

topic studied (drug use) (32).

111

Drug use and related consequences among prison

populations in European countries

Methodological differences between European countries

and between individual prisons are wide. Data may be

collected through ad hoc studies or routine monitoring

systems or both. Coverage and sampling may vary

considerably between studies. Representativeness

of the sample is an issue, since studies may refer to

different types of prison population (for example, only

convicted prisoners or also prisoners on remand) or to

different types of prison (for example, prisons for young

people, or for women or for all adults). Variables and

time windows included in the studies (such as type of

drug or reference time for using the drug) may also vary

between countries. Finally, the routine reporting and

the studies may be conducted between different time

periods and dates.

This lack of common standards and of a consensus on data

collection methods on drug use at European level limits

the comparability and harmonization of data. If health

consequences are to be monitored to provide support

and evidence for policy, there is a need to develop a

rationalized and more standardized approach at European

level to the collection of data on drugs and prison (33).

References

1. Moller L et al., eds. Health in prisons: a WHO guide

to the essentials of prison health. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2007 (http://www.euro.

who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/99018/E90174.

pdf, accessed 6 November 2013).

2. Aebi M, Del Grande N. Council of Europe annual

penal statistics. SPACE I. Survey 2009. Strasbourg,

Council of Europe, 2009 (http://www.coe.int/t/dghl/

standardsetting/cdpc/bureau%20documents/PC-CP

(2011)3%20E%20-%20SPACE%20I%202009.pdf,

accessed 28 November 2013).

3. Problem drug use (PDU) [web site]. Lisbon, European

Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction,

2013 (http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/themes/key-indi

cators/pdu, accessed 29 November 2013).

4. Lukasiewicz M et al. Prevalence and factors associated

with alcohol and drug-related disorders in prison: a

French national study. Substance Abuse Treatment,

Prevention, and Policy, 2007, 2:1 (http://www.

substanceabusepolicy.com/content/2/1/1, accessed

28 November 2013).

5. REITOX network [web site]. Lisbon, European Monitoring

Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction, 2013 (http://www.

emcdda.europa.eu/about/partners/reitox-network,

accessed 29 November 2013).

6. Data: statistical bulletin 2011 [web site]. Lisbon, European

Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction,

2012 (http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/stats11,

accessed 29 November 2013).

7. European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug

Addiction. Prisons and drugs in Europe: the problem

and responses. Luxembourg, Publications Office of the

European Union, 2012 (http://www.emcdda.europa.

eu/publications/selected-issues/prison, accessed

29 November 2013).

8. Oliemeulen L et al. Problematische alcoholgebruikers,

druggebruikers, en gokkers in het gevangeniswezen

[Problematic alcohol users, drug users and gamblers

in prison]. Rotterdam, Ministry of Justice, Research

and Documentation Centre, 2007.

9. Fazel S, Bains P, Doll H. Substance misuse and

dependence in prisoners: a systematic review.

Addiction, 2006, 101(2):181–191.

10. Fazel S, Baillargean J. The health of prisoners. The

Lancet, 2011, 377:956–965.

11. Niveau G, Ritter C. Route of administration of illicit

drugs among remand prison entrants. European

Addiction Research, 2008, 14(2):92–98.

12. Stover H, Weilandt C. Drug use and drug services in

prison. In: Moller L et al., eds. Health in prisons: a WHO

guide to the essentials of prison health. Copenhagen,

WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2007:85–111

(http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/

99018/E90174.pdf, accessed 6 November 2013).

13. Todts S et al. Usage de drogue dans les prisons belges.

Monitoring des risques sanitaires. Brussels, Service

Public Federal Justice, 2008.

14. Pe~na-Orellana M et al. Prevalence of HCV risk

behaviors among prison inmates: tattooing and

injection drug use. Journal of Health Care for the Poor

and Underserved, 2011, 22:962–982.

15. Vandam L. Patterns of drug use before, during and

after detention: a review of epidemiological literature.

In: Cools M et al., eds. Contemporary issues in the

empirical study of crime. Antwerp, Maklu, 2009.

16. European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug

Addiction. Treatment demand indicator (TDI) standard

protocol 3.0: guidelines for reporting data in people

entering drug treatment in European countries.

Luxembourg, Publications Office of the European Union,

2012 (http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.

cfm/att_188852_EN_EMCDDA-TDI-Protocol-3.0.pdf,

accessed 29 November 2013.

17. Ronco D, Scandurra A, Torrente G. Le prigioni malate.

Ottavo rapporto di Antigone sulle condizioni di

detenzione in Italia [The prisons are ill. Antigone’s

eighth report on the conditions of detention in Italy].

Rome, Edizioni dell’Asino, 2011.

18. Sheikh A. Why are ethnic minorities underrepresented in

US research studies? Plos Medicine, 2006, 3(2):166–167.

19. Wendler D et al. Are racial and ethnic minorities

less willing to participate in health research? Plos

Medicine, 2006, 3(9):201–210.

112

Prisons and health

20. Friestad C, Kjelsberg E. Drug use and mental health

problems among prison inmates – results from a

nation-wide prison population study. Nordic Journal

of Psychiatry, 2009, 63(3):237–245.

21. Implementing the Dublin Declaration on Partnership

to Fight HIV/AIDS in Europe and Central Asia: 2010

progress report. Stockholm, European Centre for

Disease Prevention and Control, 2010 (http://www.

ecdc.europa.eu/en/publications/publications/1009_spr_

dublin_declaration_progress_report.pdf, accessed

29 November 2013).

22. European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug

Addiction. Trends in injecting drug use in Europe.

Luxembourg, Publications Office of the European Union,

2010 (http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.

cfm/att_108590_EN_EMCDDA_SI10_injecting.pdf,

accessed 29 November 2013).

23. Fazel S, Danesh J. Serious mental disorder in 23 000

prisoners: a systematic review of 62 surveys. The

Lancet, 2002, 359:545–550.

24. Birchard K. Europe-wide survey finds widespread drug

abuse in prisons. The Lancet, 2001, 358(9284):821.

25. Arroyo JM, Ortega E. Personality disorders among

inmates as a distorting factor in the prison social

climate. Revista espanola de sanidad penitenciaria

[Spanish Journal of Prison Health], 2009, 11:11–15.

26. Rouillon F et al. Etude epidemiologique sur la sante

mentale des personnnes detenues en prison. Paris,

Institut national de la sante et de la recherche

medicale, 2007.

27. Zlodre J, Fazel S. All-cause and external mortality

in released prisoners: systematic review and metaanalysis.

American Journal of Public Health, 2012,

102(12):e67–e75.

28. European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction.

Mortality related to drug use in Europe: public health

implications. Luxembourg, Publications Office of the

European Union, 2011 (http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/

attachements.cfm/att_143663_EN_TDSI11003ENC_

web.pdf, accessed 29 November 2013).

29. Merrall EL et al. Meta-analysis of drug-related deaths

soon after release from prison. Addiction, 2010,

105(9):1545–1554.

30. Farrel M, Marsden J. Acute risk of drug-related death

among newly released prisoners in England and

Wales. Addiction, 2007, 103:251–255.

31. Lyons S et al. Drug-related deaths among recently

released prisoners in Ireland, 1998 to 2005.

International Journal of Prisoner Health, 2010,

6(1):26–32.

32. Carpentier C, Royuela LNA, Hedrich D. Ten years of

monitoring illicit drug use in prison populations in

Europe – issues and challenges. The Howard Journal

of Criminal Justice, 2011, 51(1):37–66.

33. EMCDDA contribution towards a methodological

framework for monitoring drugs and prison in Europe.

Developing indicators to monitor drug use, drugrelated

health problems and drug services in European

prisons. Brussels, Council of the European Union, 2013

(5420/1/13 REV 1) (http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/

attachements.cfm/att_194698_EN_ST05420-RE01.EN

13.PDF, accessed 29 November 2013).

113

14. Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

Heino Stover, Andrej Kastelic

Key points

• Estimates suggest that half the prisoners in the EU

have a history of drug use, many with problematic

injecting drug use.

• Drug use is one of the main problems facing prison

systems. It threatens security, dominates relationships

between prisoners and staff and leads to violence,

bullying and mobbing for both prisoners and often

their spouses and friends in the community.

• The prevalence of infectious diseases (particularly HIV

and AIDS, hepatitis B and C, and TB) is often much

higher in prisons than outside and often related to

injecting drug use.

• High rates of injecting drug use, if coupled with lack

of access to evidence-based prevention measures,

can result in a frighteningly rapid spread of HIV and

hepatitis B and C.

• Drug dependence services and measures to address

infectious diseases in prisons should be equivalent to

the services provided outside prisons. Continuity of

treatment for prisoners entering and leaving prison

necessitates close cooperation between prisons and

external agencies.

• Relapses into drug use and fatal overdoses after

release are widespread. A wide range of drug services

should be available to prisoners, based on local and

individual needs.

• Prison drug strategies require action for individual

behavioural change as well as on the structural level.

National and international networking and the exchange

of good practice models seems to be a valuable method

for all prison systems. Guidelines and detailed protocols

are needed at national level in delivering adequate

health care services (for example, for substitution

treatment for opiate-dependent prisoners).

• Drug services in prisons should be subject to

monitoring and evaluation.

Introduction

Drug use and the consequences for prisoners,

prisons and prison health care

Drug use and bloodborne virus infections (including HIV/

AIDS and viral hepatitis) are serious health problems in

prisons and wider criminal justice systems (1). This makes

these places important settings for the provision of effective

drug-related and bloodborne virus services to help reduce

the damage that drug use does to health, prison safety

and security as well as the broader community (through

increased re-offending and infections on release).

Large proportions of the people who enter criminal

justice systems and prison have a history of drug use and

injecting. Many of these people continue to use drugs

while they are in prison. The prison environment may

have a positive impact on some drug users, helping them

to stop or reduce their drug use or to use less frequently,

but for others prison will be an environment where they

switch to more harmful patterns of drug use.

Prisons are risky environments because they are often

overcrowded, stressful, hostile and (sometimes) violent

places in which individuals from poor communities and

from ethnic and social minorities are overrepresented,

including people who use drugs and migrants.

A European study of health problems arising in prison

highlighted three main issues: substance abuse, mental

health problems and communicable diseases (2). These

three problem areas are closely interrelated. Some of the

harms associated with drug users in the criminal justice

system include:

• high rates of HIV and viral hepatitis infection

(imprisonment is associated with higher rates of

bloodborne virus infection among injecting drug users);

• high rates of TB in some countries;

• restricted access to harm reduction services and

treatment for drug dependence and bloodborne viruses;

• increased risk of death by overdose after release;

• increased risks of transmission of prison-acquired

infections;

• increased risk of reoffending after release.

Although alternatives to imprisonment have been

introduced in many countries, more and more people who

have used or still use drugs enter prisons. Only some are

in prison as a result of conviction for a drug offence. Most

are there for other drug-related offences.

Generally, in many countries the number of drug users with

problematic consumption patterns in prison populations

has dramatically increased over the last two decades.12

12 Problematic drug use is defined as “injecting drug use or long duration/regular use of heroin/cocaine and/or amphetamines” (3). This definition can include other

opioids such as methadone. Drug consumption is deemed to be problematic if it is combined with other risky behaviour, causes damage to other people or produces

negative social consequences.

114

Prisons and health

Every sixth prisoner is thought to be a problem drug user (4).

Thus, people who use drugs are overrepresented in prisons

throughout Europe (see Chapter 13). Several factors have

contributed to this, including poverty, migration, violence

and the fact that increased incarceration is often politically

expedient. Ultimately, however, repressive legislation

against drugs in the context of growing drug consumption

in the community has often played an important role.

This fact inevitably affects life in penal institutions.

Drugs have become a central theme, a dominating factor

in the relationships between prisoners and between

prisoners and staff. Many security measures are aimed

at controlling drug use and drug trafficking within the

prison system. Daily prison routine in many respects is

dictated by drug-dependent inmates and drug-related

problems: drug-related deaths, drug-induced cases of

emergency, increases in the number of people who use

drugs, hierarchies of dealers, debts, mixed drugs, drugs

of poor quality, incalculable purity of drugs and risks of

infection (particularly with HIV and hepatitis) resulting

from contaminated and shared syringes and drugs.

Drugs become the central medium and currency in prison

subcultures. Many routine activities for inmates focus

on the acquisition, smuggling, consumption, sale and

financing of drugs.

Prison managements are faced with increased public

pressure to keep prisons drug-free. Few prison managers

talk frankly and in public about drug use in prisons,

establish adequate drug services or develop new drug

strategies. People who confess that drug use is prevalent

in prisons and that prison is a risk environment are

frequently blamed for failing to maintain security in

prisons, so a considerable number of prison managers

continue to deny or ignore drug use in prison.

Furthermore, many prison physicians believe they can cure

the inmates’ drug problems by temporarily forcing them to

stop using drugs. Thus it becomes obvious why dealing

with people who are dependent on drugs in detention is

difficult. The goal of rehabilitating the convicts must be

pursued, but prison managers in many countries face

rising drug consumption among inmates and political

and economic circumstances that make solving the drug

problem even more difficult. The current judicial situation

is paradoxical: a solution has to be found to a problem

that is not supposed to exist –drugs in prisons.

Nature and prevalence of drug use and related

risks in prisons and on release

Many drug users in prisons come from the more

disadvantaged groups in society, with a high prevalence

of low educational attainment, unemployment, a history

of physical or sexual abuse, relationship breakdown or

mental disorder. Many drug users lead chaotic lives and

experience a range of issues with housing, employment,

education and health that need to be addressed. Many

of these prisoners have never had access to health care

and health promotion services before imprisonment. The

health care services, therefore, offer an opportunity to

improve their health and personal well-being (5).

Drug use in prison takes place in extreme secrecy, and

drug seizure statistics, based solely on the confiscation

of needles/syringes and positive urine test rates, only

indicate some of the story of drug use behind bars. The

patterns of drug use vary considerably between different

groups in the prison population. For instance, drug use

among women differs significantly from that among men,

with different levels and types of misuse and different

motivations and behavioural consequences.

Many countries report changes in the patterns of drug

use (volume and type of drug) when the preferred drugs

are scarce (6). Studies and observations by prison officers

indicate that, on the one hand, switching to alternative

drugs (such as from opiates to cannabis) or to any

substitute drugs with psychotropic effects, no matter how

damaging this would be (illegal drugs and/or medicine) is

widespread. On the other hand, due to a lack of access

to the preferred drug or because of controls (such as

mandatory drug testing), some prisoners seem to switch

from cannabis to heroin, even if on an experimental basis,

because cannabis is deposed within fatty tissue and may

be detected in urine up to 30 days after consumption.

In many prisons, the most commonly used drug besides

tobacco is cannabis, which is used for relaxation purposes.

Some studies have shown that more than 50% of prisoners

use cannabis while in prison: prevalence on entry varies

between 38% in France (7) to 50–55% in the United

Kingdom (England and Wales) (8,9), 65% in Switzerland

(10), 74% in Greece (11) and 81% in the United Kingdom

(Scotland) (12). Studies indicate that both prison staff and

inmates consider that cannabis provides psychological

relief and has a positive impact on the social ambiance in

the particular setting of prisons.

Tackling cannabis use in prison needs to take these effects

into account and to include harm reduction measures

tailored to the individual users and their therapeutic

needs (13).

A much smaller percentage of prisoners report that they

inject drugs in prison (14). The extent and pattern of

injecting and needle-sharing vary significantly from prison

to prison. Prisoners who use drugs on the outside usually

115

Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

reduce their use in prison, and only a minority of prisoners

use drugs daily.

According to various studies undertaken in Europe,

between 16% and 60% of people who injected on the

outside continue to inject in prison (15). Although they

inject less frequently than outside prison, prisoners

are much more likely to share injecting equipment than

are drug injectors in the community, and with a greater

number of people (16). Many were accustomed to easy

and anonymous access to sterile injecting equipment

outside prison and start sharing injecting equipment in

prison because they lack access to safe equipment there.

Although injecting drug use in prison seems to be less

frequent than in the community, each episode of injection

is far more dangerous than outside due to the lack of

sterile injecting equipment, the high prevalence of sharing

and already widespread infectious diseases.

Prisons are high-risk environments for the transmission of

HIV and other bloodborne infections for several reasons:

• a disproportionate number of inmates come from and

return to backgrounds where the prevalence of HIV

and bloodborne virus infection is high;

• the authorities fail to acknowledge officially the

presence of HIV and bloodborne viruses, thus hindering

education efforts;

• activities such as injecting drug use and unsafe sexual

practices (consensual or otherwise) continue to occur

in prison, with clean injecting equipment and condoms

rarely provided to prisoners;

• tattooing and piercing using non-sterile equipment is

prevalent in many prisons; and

• epidemics of other STIs such as syphilis, coupled with

their inadequate treatment, lead to a higher risk of

transmitting HIV through sexual activity.

There were early indications that HIV could be transmitted

extensively in prisons. HIV outbreaks in prison have been

documented in some countries, demonstrating how

rapidly HIV can spread in prison unless effective action is

taken to prevent transmission (17, p.11).

Although smoking heroin (“chasing the dragon”) instead of

injecting plays an increasing and significant role all over

Europe, this route of administration is not widespread

in prison. Drugs are expensive in prison, and injecting

maximizes the effect of a minimal amount of drugs and is

not as easily detectable as smoking (both by prison staff

and other prisoners).

A substantial number of drug users report having first

started to inject while in prison. Studies of drug users in

prison suggest that between 3% and 26% first used drugs

while they were incarcerated, and up to 21% of injectors

initiated injecting while in prison (18).

In addition to illegal drugs, legal drugs such as tobacco

(19), alcohol and prescribed pharmaceuticals (20) often

contribute to substance dependence and related health

problems among prisoners. Many prisoners have a long

history of regular use of legal drugs. Polydrug use is

common among offenders entering custody, codependent

on any combination of alcohol, opiates, stimulants and

benzodiazepines. Dual diagnosis, or the coexistence

of mental health and substance use problems, has also

increased in recent years.

Prevention, treatment, harm reduction and

aftercare

In general, drug services in prisons can be divided

into assessment, prevention, counselling, abstinenceoriented

and medication-assisted treatment, self-help

groups and peer-driven interventions, harm-reduction

measures and pre-release and aftercare programmes. It

is essential to recognize that drug dependence (whether

on opiates, cocaine, tobacco, alcohol or other drugs) is not

criminal or hedonistic behaviour but a chronic disease,

characterized by a long process of relapses and attempts

at stabilization, which consequently requires a continuing

care and support approach. It should be treated in the

same way as other chronic illnesses, including diagnosis

and a treatment plan. It is vital that any drug treatment

and intervention strategies are not developed in isolation

but linked to other relevant initiatives and strategies. A

prison drug strategy should be part of and in line with the

national drug strategy (21):

All drug services available in the community should also

be available in prisons, in the same quality, size and

accessibility than outside. The World Health Organization

(WHO) Health in Prisons Programme and the Pompidou

Group of the Council of Europe principles for the provision

of health care services in prisons (2001) state that: “…

there should be health services in prisons which are broadly

equivalent to health services in the wider community” (22)

(the principle of equivalence).

The goals of drug treatment services in prisons must be,

at the least, that prisoners leave in a healthier state than

when they arrived and, as the best outcome, that they are

psychosocially stabilized and their treatment is continued

after release. Thus, the ultimate goal of all treatment for

drug dependency, on an individual level, is to achieve

abstinence from the drug (or drugs) on which prisoners

are dependent with or without medication-assisted

treatment. On a system or institutional level, reducing

116

Prisons and health

re-offending and improving health and rehabilitation are

the overarching twin aims.

Throughout the EU, the introduction of prevention,

treatment and harm reduction measures in prisons is still

inadequate compared to developments achieved in the

last 30 years in the community. An EU report emphasizes

this lack of equivalence, in that interventions in prisons

within the EU are still not in accordance with the principle

of equivalence adopted by the United Nations General

Assembly (23), UNAIDS/WHO (24) and UNODC (25),

which calls for equivalence between the health services

and care (including harm reduction) available inside prison

and those available to society outside prison.

What works?

It is well-established that good drug treatment for prisoners

can reduce both drug use and rates of re-offending. The

Lisbon agenda for prisons stated that “positive experience

from in-prison treatment helps inmates to continue

treatment after release, reduce relapse rates and related

health risks, and also reduce delinquency recidivism” (26).

Opioid substitution therapy is the most effective treatment

for preventing HIV and hepatitis C among opiate users

(27–29).Intensive psychosocial support and/or supervision

on release, therapeutic communities and the 12-step

abstinence-based programme have evidential support.

This means that pharmacological and psychosocial as

well as other supportive “wraparound” interventions

are promising strategies for stabilizing prisoners. The

inclusion of integrated medical and psychosocial services

in a comprehensive package, together with a range of

offers meeting the needs of drug-dependent prisoners, is

critical for effective drug services.

The Patel Report puts it this way (5, p.24):

One of the overall themes to emerge is that people need to

feel they have choices. This is as important when deciding

about treatment and interventions options and in choosing

their own route to recovery i.e. working toward abstinence.

The reality of supported self-change is vital in a recovery

focused treatment system in order to raise aspirations and

create opportunities for further self-change and personal

development.

Coping with drug use in prison is difficult for several

reasons. Drug use is illegal. If discovered, it leads to

harsh consequences for the time spent in prison including

loss of privileges (such as home leave), segregation, more

frequent controls (such as cell searches) and discrimination

by non-drug-using prisoners (fear of transmitting infectious

diseases). In the prison subculture, drug users are often

perceived to be in the lower ranks: they are blamed for

new supervisory and control procedures that aggravate

the custodial conditions (30).

Prison health services face a dilemma regarding therapeutic

resources. Staff in prison health care units and security

staff have to deal with the consequences of drug use, but

the causes of drug use usually remain beyond their reach.

The prison staff and administration often do not have the

capacity to respond adequately to the health problems

of drug users, especially if they are in prison for short

periods of time. Prisons are not therapeutic institutions.

Time in prison should not, however, be considered lost.

The opportunities prisons may provide in terms of health

care, social support and the involvement of community

health agencies should be used. Prisons can provide

an opportunity to help drug users, many of whom have

not had any previous contact with helping or treatment

agencies. People often change the drug use patterns they

had before imprisonment, voluntarily or not. Because of a

lack of drugs, they might stop using altogether, reduce the

quantity or change the route of administration because of

a lack of sterile needles and syringes.

Measures designed to achieve abstention from drug use

in prison, or at least a reduction in harmful drug-using

patterns, include:

• counselling on drug-related issues by prison staff or

specialized personnel, integrated with external drug

services;

• housing for drug-using prisoners in specialized units

with a treatment approach and multidisciplinary staff;

• provision of printed and audiovisual material in

different languages, with the involvement of prisoners

and external counselling agencies in its production.

Measures to prevent the transmission of infectious

diseases among drug users include:

• availability of sterile injecting equipment;

• provision of opiate substitution treatment to

opioid-dependent prisoners at any stage of their

imprisonment;

• availability of condoms and lubricants;

• implementation of vaccination programmes against

hepatitis A and B;

• face to face communication: counselling, personal

assistance, assistance from and integration of outside

agencies for AIDS help or bloodborne viruses, and

safer use training for drug users;

• provision of leaflets;

• availability of bleach or other decontaminants (30).

Strategies to reduce risk applied outside prison are often

regarded as undermining the measures taken inside prison

117

Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

to reduce the supply of drugs. Supporting the safer use

of illegal drugs (such as by providing bleach and sterile

injecting equipment) and at the same time confiscating

the drugs is a fundamental dilemma. Studies show,

however, that harm reduction measures can be provided

safely and without compromising the measures aimed at

reducing drug use in prisons (31).

Prison drug policies should allow for:

• assessment, screening, counselling and treatment on

a voluntary basis;

• the keeping of a distance from the drug-using

subculture, since drug users who are motivated to

undergo a treatment programme have to be able to

do so in a protected environment, which is difficult for

many prisons due to overcrowding;

• throughcare and aftercare, which are essential

elements of efforts to reduce relapse and re-offence

and build trust with caregivers;

• provision of the diversity of measures that are offered

outside prisons: social services, drug-care units, drug

counselling and treatment services (including harm

reduction); and

• discouragement of the import and traffic of drugs in

the prison system.

Psychosocial drug treatment and

pharmacological approaches as

complementary measures in a

comprehensive package of drug services

An integrated drug treatment system, such as that

developed in the United Kingdom (England) (32), is

needed for a comprehensive response to the complex

phenomenon of drug dependence. Drug-free as well as

pharmacological interventions, together with stimulation

for self-help, are key to the success of drug services.

Psychosocial drug treatment and clinical substance

dependence management must be integrated and

harmonized. Drug-free orientation and pharmacological

treatment are not contradictory strategies; on the contrary,

they can complement each other with psychosocial drug

treatment and rehabilitation.

Inside prisons, the use of illegal drugs is a criminal offence

and abstinence-based interventions are, therefore,

generally viewed as compatible with the goal of prison

systems to eradicate drug use. Abstinence is compatible

with, and reinforces, the aims of custody in general and

is envisaged as enabling prisoners to avoid committing

criminal offences after release.

Prisons run a variety of rehabilitation programmes for

drug users based on different therapeutic approaches and

assumptions. These programmes are designed to reduce

the risk of re-offending through alleviating prisoners’

problems with substance use. Three main approaches and

types of programme can be distinguished.

The cognitive behavioural therapy approach has different

levels of intensity (low/medium intensity programme,

gender-specific and short duration). The aim is to gain

social learning experience, and to understand and

treat drug-related problem behaviour associated with

substance-related offending.

The 12-step approach is based on social learning within a

peer approach, with new group members given instruction

in ways to lead a drug-free life by more established

prisoners. It works on the assumption that addiction is a

life-long illness that can be controlled but not necessarily

completely cured. The programmes are high intensity for

highly dependent prisoners, regardless of the specific

drug (they may last for 15 to 18 weeks).

The structured therapeutic community approach is

based on hierarchical treatment and aims to teach new

behaviour, attitudes and values, reinforced through peer

and therapeutic community support. It is available for

adult prisoners with a medium or high risk of reconviction

and level of dependence on drugs (5).

Referral to these programmes is based on individual risks

and needs. The different approaches allow individual

prisoners to be directed towards the treatment most

suited to the severity of their problem and fitting their

personal characteristics and circumstances. Some of the

cognitive behavioural therapy programmes are suitable

for people who are stabilized on opioid substitution

programmes, either as part of the process of working

towards abstinence or towards better stabilization, while

the 12-step and therapeutic community models require

participants to be entirely drug-free before starting the

programme: “The factors which are rated as being good

include the quality of relationships, ease of access and

experiencing a transformation in which drug users

describe their life as having being ‘turned around’.” (5,

p.29).

These approaches can be matched with, on the one

hand, voluntary drug testing that aims to provide an

incentive for prisoners to stay drug-free because they

are recovering from drug dependence or because they

wish to continue receiving particular privileges (such as

release on temporary licence or a better job in the prison)

or, on the other hand, having something meaningful to

do such as work, education and structured programmes,

which seems to be a key determinant in remaining drugfree.

118

Prisons and health

Abstinence-oriented treatment and therapeutic

communities in prisons

Abstinence-oriented treatment for prisoners is generally

provided in special facilities (therapeutic communities).

Most of the member states of the Council of Europe have

abstinence-based programmes. Therapeutic communities

are intensive treatment programmes for prisoners

with histories of severe drug dependence and related

offending who have a minimum of 12–15 months of their

sentence left to serve. They are drug-free environments

implementing an intensive treatment approach that

requires 24-hour residential care and comprehensive

rehabilitation services. Residents are expected to take

from 3 to 12 months to complete the programme. In general,

therapeutic community treatment models are designed as

total-milieu therapy, which promotes the development of

social values, attitudes and behaviour through positive

peer pressure. Although each therapeutic community

differs in terms of the services provided, most programmes

are based on a combination of behavioural models with

traditional group-based, confrontational techniques. As

high-intensity, often multistage programmes, therapeutic

communities are provided in a separate unit of the prison.

Many prison therapeutic communities ensure a continuum

of care by providing community-based aftercare, which is

closely connected to the specific therapeutic community

and part of the correctional system.

Little research has been done on the effectiveness

of therapeutic communities and the sustainability of

abstinence. The unsolved problem is that therapeutic

communities are often not linked with interventions

for safer drug use and the prevention of death after

relapse following release. It is suggested that prisoners’

experience in treatment should be followed up after

release.

Contract treatment units and drug-free units

Drug-free units or wings or contract treatment units aim

to allow prisoners to keep a distance from the prison drug

scene and to provide a space to work on dependencerelated

problems. The focus in these units is on drugfree

living. Prisoners stay in these units voluntarily.

They commit themselves (sometimes with a contract) to

abstinence from drugs and not to bring in any drugs and

agree to regular medical check-ups often associated with

drug testing. Prisoners staying in these units sometimes

enjoy a regime with more favours and privileges, such as

additional leave, education or work outside, excursions

and more frequent contact with their families. Drug-free

units (often called drug-free zones) do not necessarily

include a treatment element. They aim to offer a drugfree

environment for everyone who wants to keep away

from drug-using inmates.

The purpose of staying in a contract treatment unit is

that the inmate will remain drug-free or at least become

motivated to continue treatment after release. Attempts

will be made to motivate the inmate to strengthen his or

her health and personality, to participate in work routines

and to maintain and strengthen his or her social network.

Counselling, peer support and peer-driven

interventions

Peer education and peer support can be defined as the

process by which trained people carry out informal and

organized educational activities with individuals or small

groups in their peer group, such as those of the same

age or – in this context – other prisoners. Peer education

targets individuals and groups that cannot effectively

be reached by existing services, with the overall aim of

facilitating improvements in health and reducing the risk

of transmitting HIV or other bloodborne diseases. Peerdriven

interventions make systematic use of the authentic

value of peers.

On the basis of the data available and extrapolating from

the literature on community-based programmes, education

programmes in prisons (as in community settings) are

more likely to be effective if peers develop and deliver

them. As Grinstead et al. (33) have stated:

When the target audience is culturally, geographically, or

linguistically distinct, peer education may be an effective

intervention approach. Inmate peer educators are more likely

to have specific knowledge about risk behaviour occurring

both inside and outside the prison. Peer educators who are

living with HIV may also be ideal to increase the perception

of personal risk and to reinforce community norms for

safer sexual and injection practices. Peer education has

the additional advantage of being cost-effective and,

consequently, sustainable. Inmate peer educators are

always available to provide services as they live alongside

the other inmates who are their educational target.

Peer educators can play a vital role in educating other

prisoners, since most of the behaviour that puts prisoners

at risk of HIV, hepatitis and overdoses in prisons involves

illegal (injecting drug use) or forbidden (same-sex activity

and tattooing) and stigmatized (same-sex activity)

practices. Peers may, therefore, be the only people who can

speak candidly to other prisoners about ways to reduce the

risk of contracting infection. In addition, peer educators’

input is not likely to be viewed with the same suspicion

as the information provided by the prison hierarchy. Peer

educators are more likely to be able to discuss realistically

the alternatives to risky behaviour that are available to

prisoners and are better able to judge which educational

strategies will work within their prison and the informal

119

Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

power structure among prisoners. Finally, peer-led education

has been shown to be beneficial for the peer educators

themselves: individuals who participate as peer educators

report significant improvements in their self-esteem (34).

Opioid substitution treatment in custodial

settings

Background

Prisons are not the right place for treating drug-dependent

men and women, and countries should develop policies

for alternatives to imprisonment. As long as these

alternatives are not available, prison authorities are faced

with this specific population in need of treatment, care

and support. Research has shown that treatment for

opioid dependence (opioid substitution therapy – OST)

is the most effective way to treat opioid dependence, to

reduce the risk of HIV and hepatitis C transmission, and to

reduce the risk of overdose (35,36).

The need for access to treatment for opioid dependence in

prison was internationally recognized more than 30 years

ago. In 1993, WHO issued guidelines on HIV infection and

AIDS in prisons (24) which stated the following:

Drug-dependent prisoners should be encouraged to enrol in

drug treatment programmes while in prison, with adequate

protection of their confidentiality. Such programmes should

include information on the treatment of drug dependency and

on the risks associated with different methods of drug use.

Prisoners on methadone maintenance prior to imprisonment

should be able to continue this treatment while in prison. In

countries in which opioid substitution treatment is available

to opiate dependent individuals in the community, this

treatment should also be available in prisons.

In 2004, in a position paper on substitution maintenance

treatment, UNAIDS, UNODC and WHO concluded that the

provision of substitution maintenance treatment for opioid

dependence is an effective strategy for preventing HIV/

AIDS, which should be considered for implementation as

soon as possible in communities at risk of HIV infection (37).

A failure to implement effective drug treatment and HIV

and hepatitis C prevention measures could result in the

further spread of HIV and hepatitis C infection among

injecting drug-users and the wider prison population, and

could potentially lead to generalized epidemics in the

local non-injecting drug-user population.

Injecting drug-users who do not enter OST are up to six

times more likely to become infected with HIV than those

who enter and remain in treatment. The death rate of

people with opioid dependence in OST is one third to one

quarter the rate in those not in treatment.

The most common form of OST is methadone maintenance

treatment. Methadone has been used to treat heroin and

other opiate dependence for decades. The more recently

developed buprenorphine is also quite common in many

countries. Both have been proved to make a major

reduction in the risk of HIV infection by reducing the use

of opioids and the sharing of drug injection, needles and

syringes, and improving the health and quality of life of

opiate-dependent people.

OST is, therefore, an effective strategy for preventing

the transmission of HIV and hepatitis C. It should be

implemented as soon as possible in prisons at high risk of

HIV infection (38).

Before starting treatment, drug users must be provided

with relevant information, especially about the risk of

overdose and the potential risks of multiple drug use and

interactions with other medications. They should also be

informed about the primary physician’s obligations to the

state, to the prison and to the prisoner (39).

Medication-assisted treatment for opioid dependence

(OST – substitution treatment, agonist pharmacotherapy,

agonist replacement therapy or agonist-assisted therapy)

is defined as the administration under medical supervision

of a prescribed opioid substance, pharmaceutically related

to that producing dependence, to people with substance

dependence so as to achieve defined therapeutic aims.

OST is a form of health care for heroin- and other opioiddependent

people. It uses prescribed opioid agonists or

partial agonists which have some properties similar to or

identical with heroin and morphine in their action on the

nervous system, alleviate withdrawal symptoms and block

the craving for illicit opioids. Examples of opioid agonists

are methadone, sustained-release morphine, codeine,

buprenorphine (a partial agonist-antagonist) and, in some

countries, diamorphine. Most of these substances, except

for diamorphine, are characterized by a long duration of

action and the absence of “rush” (Table 6).

Antagonists, which reverse the effects of opioids, are also

used in treating opioid dependence. They occupy the same

receptor sites in the brain as opioids and, therefore, block

the effects of opioids. However, they do not stop craving.

If a person takes an antagonist followed by an opioid, the

euphoric effects of the opioid are nullified as they cannot

act on the brain. If the antagonist, which has a higher

affinity for opioid receptors, is taken after the opioid, an

opioid-dependent person will go into opioid withdrawal

(so antagonists are contraindicated for people who have

not been detoxified from opioids). Naltrexone is the

opioid antagonist most commonly used in treating opioid

120

Prisons and health

Table 6. Substitution agents

Medication Frequency Optimal Route of Overdose With- Notes

recommended administration risk drawal

dose

Methadone

Buprenorphine

Buprenorphine

naloxone

(4:1 ratio)

Sustained

release

morphine

Diamorphine

Levo-alphaacetylmethadol

Levomethadone

Codeine

Every 24

hours

Every 24

to 48 or 72

hours

Every 24

hours

2–3 times

every

24 hours

Every

4–72

hours

Every

24 hours

60–120

mg/day

8–24

mg/day

300–1200

mg/day

400–700

mg/day

70–120

mg 3 times

per week

40–60

mg/day

Oral (syrup,

tablets)

Injectable

Sublingual

Oral

(capsules)

Injectable,

smokeable

Oral

Oral (syrup)

Oral (syrup,

tablets)

+++

+

(with

additional

drugs)

+++

+++

+++

+++

++

+++

+

++(+)

+++

+++

+++

+++

Optimal dose level dependent on subject can be <60mg or >120mg

according to individual variability

Start 6–8 hours after the last heroin intake or on appearance of withdrawal

symptoms. If the person was previously using methadone, methadone has

to be tapered until 30 mg/day and buprenorphine can be administered at 48

hours after last methadone dose or on appearance of withdrawal symptoms.

Provided in some countries when provision of methadone or buprenorphine

is contraindicated or when these substances are not tolerated (Australia,

Austria, Bulgaria, Slovenia, Switzerland and the United Kingdom).

Only legally available to long-term, non-stabilized opioid users in Denmark,

Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland the United Kingdom while in Canada

and Spain it is permitted in the context of research trials only.

Not available in the EU, and there are concerns regarding safety (QTc

interval extension in electrocardiogram)

Only available in Germany

Available for maintenance treatment in Germany

Source: adapted fraom Verster & Buning (40).

121

Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

dependence. Naloxone is only used for the emergency

reversal of opioid overdose situations. Buprenorphine is a

partial agonist-antagonist and is being used increasingly

to treat opioid dependence. There are combinations of

naloxone with buprenorphine (1:4 ratio) to prevent the

abuse of the medication via injection.

The differences between OST (agonists) and blocking or

aversion treatment (antagonists) are shown in Table 7.

OST is valuable because it provides an opportunity for

dependent drug users to reduce their exposure to highrisk

behaviour and to stabilize themselves in health and

social terms before they address the physical adaptation

dimension of dependence. OST is generally considered for

people who have difficulty in stopping their drug use and

completing withdrawal.

It is desirable that medications used in OST have a longer

duration of action, or half-life, than the drug they are replacing

so as to delay the emergence of withdrawal symptoms and

reduce the frequency of administration. This allows the

person to focus on normal activities without the need to

obtain and administer drugs. Further, prescribed medication

for an illicit drug helps to break the connections with criminal

activity while supporting the change in lifestyle.

Good-quality treatment should be:

• ongoing, in keeping with treatments for other chronic

illness (for example, antiviral/antiretroviral treatment

and psychiatric comorbidities);

• able to address the multiple problems posing a risk of

relapse (such as physical and mental health disorders

and social instability);

• well-integrated into society to permit ready access for

monitoring purposes and to forestall relapse.

Other characteristics of good models include:

Table 7. Differences between OST (agonists)and blocking or aversion treatment (antagonists)

OST Blocking or aversion treatment

Agonists (methadone, levo-alpha-acetylmethol, Antagonists (naltrexone and naloxone):

long-acting morphine and heroin): • block the action for opioids

• in some ways, act similarly to opioids • block opioid receptors

• stimulate opioid receptors • do not alleviate or stop the craving for opioids

• alleviate or stop the craving for opioids • do not produce a rush

• do not produce a rush (except diamorphine) • do not produce physical dependence

can produce or maintain physical dependence

• adequacy of the time available for treatment;

• availability of close links to community health and

drug services, together with training provided for

health and other treatment professionals;

• the extent to which the views of the prisoners

themselves have been considered.

The main goals of OST

Although the ultimate goal of treatment may be to get

people to stop using drugs, the main aims of OST are based

on the concepts of public health and harm reduction. They

are:

• to assist people to remain healthy until (with the

appropriate care and support) they can achieve a drugfree

life; when they are stabilized, if they cannot or do

not want to quit OST, they can remain in treatment for

years or even for their lifetime;

• to reduce the use of illicit drugs and non-prescribed

medications;

• to deal with problems related to drug use;

• to reduce the dangers associated with drug use,

particularly the risk of transmitting HIV, hepatitis B and

C virus and other bloodborne infections from injecting

and sharing injecting paraphernalia;

• to reduce the chances of future relapse into drug use;

• to reduce the need for criminal activity to finance drug

use;

• when appropriate, to stabilize the person on a

medication to alleviate withdrawal symptoms and

craving;

• to improve overall personal, social and family

functioning; and

• to reduce the risk of drug-related death, particularly at

the time of release from prison.

In their 2004 common position paper, UNAIDS, UNODC

and WHO stated the following:

122

Prisons and health

Substitution maintenance therapy is one of the most

effective treatment options for opioid dependence. It can

decrease the high cost of opioid dependence to individuals,

their families and society at large by reducing heroin use,

associated deaths, HIV risk behaviours and criminal activity.

Substitution maintenance therapy is a critical component of

community-based approaches in the management of opioid

dependence and the prevention of HIV infection among

injecting drug users. (41)

Ample data support the effectiveness of OST in reducing

high-risk injecting behaviour and the risk of contracting

HIV (27–29). OST is the most effective treatment available

for heroin-dependent injecting drug users in terms of

reducing mortality (the death rate of people with opioid

dependence in methadone maintenance treatment is one

third to one quarter the rate of those not in treatment),

heroin consumption and crime. Drug users are often

heavily involved in crime before entering treatment, but

after one year of methadone maintenance treatment,

these levels go down by about half. The benefits are

greatest during and immediately after treatment, but

a significant improvement continues for several years

after treatment. The reductions are most marked in drugrelated

criminal behaviour.

Many of the concerns raised about OST have been shown to

be unfounded. In particular, OST maintenance has not been

shown to be an obstacle to ceasing drug use and, in fact, it

is more effective than detoxification programmes in stopping

people from using drugs illegally and keeping them in drug

treatment programmes. Injecting drug users who do not enter

treatment are up to six times more likely to become infected

with HIV than those who enter and remain in treatment (42).

OST is a cost-effective method of treatment, comparing

favourably in terms of cost-effectiveness with other health

care interventions, such as therapy for severe hypertension

or for HIV/AIDS. According to several conservative

estimates, every euro invested in OST programmes may

yield a return of between four and seven euros in reduced

drug-related crime, criminal justice costs and theft. When

savings related to health care are included, total savings

can exceed costs by a ratio of 12:1.

Finally, people treated with OST who are forced to withdraw

from methadone when they are incarcerated often return

to narcotic use, often within the prison system and often

via injection. It has, therefore, been widely recommended

that prisoners who were in OST outside prison should be

allowed to continue this treatment in prison (43).

In many countries, however, OST is unavailable or not

widely enough available in prisons. Initially, OST was often

only made available in prisons to inmates living with HIV

or with other infectious diseases or to pregnant women.

Provision generally remains inadequate and below the

standards of OST in the community. In many countries,

OST is still likely to be discontinued when people on

treatment enter prison. A treatment gap persists between

those requiring OST and those receiving it.

Some prison systems are reluctant to make OST available

or to extend its availability to prisoners who were

not receiving it before incarceration. Methadone or

buprenorphine are sometimes viewed as just more moodaltering

drugs, delaying the personal growth necessary to

move beyond a drug-centred existence. Some people also

object to OST on moral grounds, arguing that it merely

replaces one drug of dependence with another. Other

reasons for resistance to OST include:

• the fact that prisons are supposed to be drug-free;

• the fear that the opioid medications used may be

diverted and sold;

• a lack of understanding of drug dependence as a

chronic disease;

• limited space and lack of resources and staff in many

prisons;

• the cost of and additional organizational tasks required

to implement it;

• anxiety that it will destabilize the prison.

If other reliable and effective methods could achieve

enduring abstinence, OST could indeed be seen as

inadequate. However, there are no such alternatives (44).

In recent years, evaluations of prison OST have provided

clear evidence of its benefits. Studies have shown that,

if dosage is adequate (at least 60–80 mg methadone or

12–16 mg buprenorphine) and treatment is provided for

the duration of imprisonment, such programmes reduce

drug-injecting and needle-sharing and the resulting

spread of HIV and other bloodborne infections. In addition,

they have other worthwhile benefits, both for the health of

prisoners participating in the programmes and for prison

systems and the community.

• OST positively affects institutional behaviour by reducing

drug-seeking and thus improving prison safety. Prison

systems where OST is provided benefit by, among other

things, reduced withdrawal symptoms on admission (often

accompanied by self-harm or even suicide attempts),

alleviation of anxiety upon entry, reduced trade in drugs

and increased productivity among prisoners on OST.

• Re-offending is significantly less likely among

prisoners who receive OST.

• Prisoners on OST in prison are significantly more likely

to enter and remain in post-release treatment than

those enrolled in detoxification programmes.

123

Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

• Although prison administrations often initially raise

concerns about security, violent behaviour and

diversion of prescribed drugs, these problems are

less frequent than when substitution treatment

programmes are absent.

• Both prisoners and correctional staff report how OST

positively influences life in prison.

• OST offers daily contact between the health care

services in prison and the prisoners, a relationship

that can serve as baseline for raising further health

issues and links with other strategies for preventing

HIV transmission.

• There is evidence that abrupt cessation of OST

increases the risk of self-harm and suicide.

In addition, OST can help to reduce the risk of overdose

(45). Many prisoners resume injecting once they are

released but are at increased risk of a fatal overdose as a

result of reduced tolerance for opioids. Extensive research

has noted a large number of deaths during the first weeks

post-release attributed to drug overdose. Following a

United Kingdom study of 51 590 releases from prison (46),

it has been estimated that approximately 35% of all male

drug-related deaths and 12% of all female drug-related

deaths are among prisoners recently released from

prison custody. This points to the utility and necessity

of throughcare (in prison and post-release) via drug

treatment and OST to counteract such risky situations,

and highlights the importance of OST as a strategy not

only for preventing the transmission of HIV and hepatitis C

in prisons but also for reducing overdose deaths after

release.

Effective treatment

In order to be effective, OST, as any other type of

treatment, must be: (i) based on the needs of prisoners;

(ii) provided for the right period of time and at the right dose

required by the individual; and (iii) provided continuously

throughout imprisonment and following release.

As mentioned above, effective treatment has many

benefits for individuals by helping them to stay alive,

reducing the risk of infection (particularly from HIV and

hepatitis), achieving abstinence or a stabilized pattern

of use, stabilizing their social life, improving physical

and mental health and reducing criminal activity. It also

benefits society by improving public health, reducing

emergencies and hospitalization, reducing the spread of

HIV and other infectious diseases, reducing social welfare

costs and reducing costs to the criminal justice system.

OST programmes vary in duration, dosage and scheme.

Although much evidence (47) indicates that OST is more

effective when higher dosages are prescribed on a

maintenance basis, many programmes focus on shortterm

detoxification with decreasing dosages.

In addition, distinguishing between low- and highthreshold

programmes is important. The distinctions can

be broadly summarized as follows.

Low-threshold programmes:

• are easy to enter;

• are oriented towards harm reduction;

• aim principally to relieve withdrawal symptoms and

craving and improve quality of life;

• offer a range of treatment options.

High-threshold programmes:

• are more difficult to enter and may have selective

intake criteria;

• are abstinence-oriented (which could include

subsequent abstinence from OST medications);

• do not have flexible treatment options;

• adopt regular (urine) control;

• have an inflexible discharge policy which may lead

to patients that continue using illegal drugs at the

same time as the substitutes being excluded from

the programmes; this would be against both medical

ethics (because OST has been proved to be good for

their health) and the rationale of OST, since its aim is

precisely to help people suffering from illegal opioid

use;

• may include compulsory counselling and psychotherapy.

Low-threshold should not be regarded as synonymous with

low-quality. In general, low-threshold programmes are

more successful in serving harm reduction purposes for

both addicted individuals and society, by rapidly engaging

and keeping people in treatment. For those with a chaotic

lifestyle due to their drug habits, such programmes are

associated with better treatment outcomes and thus

meeting the aims of OST.

Treatment criteria and treatment plan

OST should be restricted to people who meet the clinical

criteria for opioid dependence. Restrictive regulations

regarding the admission and inclusion criteria of OST

are, however, counterproductive with regard to access to

treatment and prevention of HIV and hepatitis transmission.

Issues such as the maximum dose or maximum length

of treatment should be left to the practitioner’s clinical

judgment, based on the assessment of the individual.

In principle, everyone who is opioid-dependent and

in need of treatment and expresses a desire for OST

can be stabilized after appropriate assessment and

start of treatment. It is, however, recommended that

124

Prisons and health

the availability of treatment sites is taken into account

when adopting admission criteria. Age, length of opioid

addiction, physical and mental health and personal

motivation of the opioid-dependent person should all be

considered. Some groups, such as pregnant women or

people living with HIV or other illnesses, should be given

priority, although this should not entail compulsory HIVantibody

testing. Furthermore, since release from prison

is associated with an increase in drug-related deaths

due to restart of drug use after a period of abstinence

or reduced use (during which opioid tolerance may have

been reduced), where resources are limited those about

to be released from prison should be given priority for

treatment.

Risks and limitations

The most significant risk with methadone and other

opioid agonists is an overdose, which can be fatal.

Research evidence (40) indicates that the highest risk of

overdose is when OST is begun. Low doses are, therefore,

recommended at the beginning of treatment with

methadone. However, once a stable dose of methadone

is settled (after about two weeks), the risk of overdose

death is substantially reduced compared with the risk

before treatment.

Buprenorphine as a partial agonist has less intrinsic

activity than full agonists, and there is a plateau (ceiling)

to dose–effect with much less possibility of overdose,

allowing for a much faster reduction rate (two to three days).

Methadone

Methadone (methadone hydrochloride) is the predominant

medication used for OST inside and outside prison in a

majority of countries. It is a synthetic opioid agonist with

an effect similar to that of morphine. Methadone is wellabsorbed

from the gastrointestinal tract, irrespective

of formulation (syrup versus tablet). It has very good

bioavailability of 80–95%. The half-life of methadone

is 24–36 hours, with considerable variations between

individuals (10 to 80 hours). This pharmaceutical profile

makes methadone useful as an OST medication, because

it allows oral administration, single daily dosage

and achievement of steady-state plasma levels after

repeated administration, with no opioid withdrawal.

Some patients experience side-effects, the most

common being increased perspiration, constipation and

sleep disturbances, reduced libido, reduced power of

concentration and potential weight gain. Such undesirable

side-effects generally occur at the beginning of treatment

and decrease over time, although in some patients they

can persist generally without medical consequences.

Fewer than 20% of patients taking methadone therapy

experience side-effects. Methadone is a safe medication

with no lasting deleterious physical or physiological

effects. Contrary to popular assumption, it has no directly

damaging effects on bones or teeth (opioids do restrict

saliva production, which in turn can lead to dental caries).

For some patients, however, detoxifying from methadone

might be very difficult and protracted. Methadone is a

cheap medication; it is easy to deliver to the prisoner and

the intake can easily be supervised. In most cases, little

information is given to patients about the medication

prescribed, possibly because the providers assume that

experienced patients already know everything about the

medication. However, this is not always the case.

Dosage

The general rule with dosing of methadone is to start low

and go slow, but aim high.

• First, do no harm: estimates of degrees of dependence

and tolerance are unreliable and should never be the

basis for starting with high doses of methadone that

could, if the estimation is wrong, cause overdose.

• There is no moral value associated with either high or

low doses.

• Methadone should not be given as reward or withheld

as punishment.

• Doses should be increased and decreased gradually.

Both for safety and comfort, smaller changes (such as

5 mg at a time) at wider intervals (such as every five

days) should be made for people on less than 60 mg a

day, whereas larger and more frequent changes (such

as 10 mg every three days) will generally be safe at

higher levels.

• In general, higher maintenance doses are associated

with better therapeutic outcomes than are lower

doses. The optimal range for most people is 60–120 mg

per day.

• When there are subjective complaints of the

methadone “not holding”, the daily dose could be

divided or increased. This may be particularly relevant

for women who are pregnant and/or receiving ART.

Buprenorphine

Buprenorphine is a partial opioid agonist with weaker

opioid agonist activity than methadone. Buprenorphine is

not well-absorbed if taken orally, and the usual route of

administration in treating opioid dependence is, therefore,

sublingual. With increasing doses of buprenorphine, the

opioid effect reaches a plateau, so it is less likely than

either methadone or heroin to result in opioid overdose,

even when taken with other opioids at the same time.

The effectiveness of buprenorphine is similar to that

of methadone at adequate doses in terms of reduction

in illicit opioid use and improvements in psychosocial

functioning. Buprenorphine may, however, be associated

125

Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

with lower rates of staying in treatment. It is currently

more expensive than methadone.

Buprenorphine is acceptable to heroin users, has few sideeffects

and is associated with a relatively mild withdrawal

syndrome. When used in OST for pregnant women with

opioid dependence, it appears to be associated with a

lower incidence of neonatal withdrawal syndrome.

A combination product of buprenorphine with a small

amount of naloxone (4:1 ratio) has been developed to reduce

potential diversion and misuse of the drug. Naloxone is poorly

absorbed sublingually, which limits its pharmacological

effect. If the tablet is crushed and used intravenously by

an opioid-dependent person, the naloxone is bio-available

and can precipitate severe opioid withdrawal, which can

potentially deter further such abuse by this route.

Sustained-release morphine

Sustained-release morphine is seen as a valuable

contribution to OST in some countries (Australia, Austria,

Bulgaria, Slovenia, Switzerland and the United Kingdom).

Some studies have reported that oral sustained-release

morphine leads to improved well-being for its recipients

compared to those receiving methadone maintenance

due to a better side-effect profile. In particular, sustainedrelease

morphine is easy to use (once daily), and the users

report better concentration, no major mood disturbances,

no weight gain and a better sexual drive.

Dosing and supervision of intake

There is no such thing as an average dose. Dosage should

be part of the doctor–patient relationship and adjusted

according to individual needs. The dose needs to be at a

level that can reduce craving and block the use of heroin

to produce euphoria. Prisoners should be informed of their

dose unless they specifically request not to know.

Either nurses or guards can supervise the ingestion of the

(liquid or solid) methadone, depending on how and where

the medication for OST is dispensed: either within the

medical unit or on the cells/wards. This is to ensure that

the substance is swallowed (methadone) or diluted under

the tongue (buprenorphine) completely.

There is a consensus that the administration of OST

(as well as other psychoactive substances) must be

supervised to make sure that the medication has been

used correctly, to avoid coercion to sell or divert it, and

to avoid overdoses in prisoners with no opioid tolerance.

Antagonist treatment: naltrexone

If a prisoner abstains from opioid drugs, therapy with

naltrexone can be started in prison or prior to release.

Naltrexone is a pure opioid antagonist and, as such, is

often not considered an OST medication. It has, however,

received considerable attention when used for ultra-rapid

detoxification under general anaesthesia, a practice that

is not without risk to the patient. In addition to its use

as a rapid detoxification agent, naltrexone has been used

for decades as a longer-term blocking agent (full opiate

antagonist) in maintenance treatment.

Naltrexone may be used as part of relapse prevention

programmes. A single maintenance dose of naltrexone

binds to opioid receptor sites in the brain and blocks the

effects of any opioid taken for the next 24 hours, or it can

be taken in a double/triple dose three times a week. It

produces no euphoria, tolerance or dependence. Patients

generally require 5–10 days of abstinence before starting

naltrexone (the length of abstinence depends on the

length of half-life of the opioid that was regularly taken

prior to starting naltrexone).

A Cochrane review on the effectiveness of naltrexone

maintenance treatment (48,49) did not find evidence for

its effectiveness in maintenance therapy. A trend in favour

of treatment with naltrexone was, however, observed for

certain target groups (especially people who are highly

motivated).

Medication-assisted treatment of opioid

dependence in prisons

Initiation of OST in prisons

Historically there has only been limited availability of

OST in prisons. The principle of equivalence with health

care offered in community settings would, however,

suggest that OST should be available and accessible to

all prisoners according to their health needs. Since many

prisoners experience immediate relapse after release they

should have an informed choice of either detoxification or

maintenance.

Given the often relapsing/remitting nature of opioid

dependence, detoxification alone is only effective in

producing a long-term change for a minority of users. The

benefits of OST programmes can be maximized by:

• keeping people in treatment;

• prescribing higher rather than lower doses of

methadone;

• orienting programmes towards maintenance rather

than abstinence;

• offering counselling, assessment and treatment of

both psychiatric co-morbidity and social problems;

• using and strengthening the therapeutic alliance

between clinician and patient to reduce the use of

additional drugs.

126

Prisons and health

There are three scenarios where it may be appropriate to

start users on opioid maintenance in prison as the first

stage of OST. These are: immediately upon admission

to prison, during incarceration and for a period before

release.

As mentioned above, there is an extremely high risk for

prisoners using drugs to relapse and take an overdose

shortly after release. Overdoses on release and suicides

in prisons were key elements in some countries for

integrating OST into prison health care services. In order to

avoid relapse and overdose on release, it is recommended

that the prisoner be kept on a stable dose until he or she

is released.

Overdoses on release and suicides in prisons were also

key drivers in some countries to use OST in prisons (50).

Detoxification

Some drug-users manage to abstain permanently while in

prison, although detoxification alone is seldom effective in

producing a long-term change for the majority of drug-users.

Institution-related factors militating against continued

abstinence are a lack of resources and/or personnel

resulting in a limitation on the availability of treatment

places, lack of knowledge, lack of supporting regulations

and guidelines, dependence on the development of OST

in the community, opposition to OST in prisons and a

restrictive OST policy in the local community.

Relapses after detoxification are extremely common and

detoxification on its own rarely constitutes adequate

treatment for substance dependence. The options include

managing withdrawal on admission in the form of gradual

detoxification or moving to abstinence-oriented treatment

or maintaining long-term substitution. Interventions that are

client-centred and personalized have the best outcomes.

Urine controls

Urine analysis has been much debated in this field.

Although urine controls are a vital part of the initial

medical assessment of the patient (for confirmation that

the patient is actually using opiates), they are often used

as a form of control over patients to monitor for illicit drug

use. Many professionals question the effectiveness of

urine analysis as a positive factor in treatment.

It is also argued that a positive urine sample should never

be the sole reason for discontinuing treatment, as this is

part of the condition for which the patient is being treated.

OST should never be a reward for good behaviour or

withheld as punishment, but rather administered as a

normal part of a variety of medical and psychosocial

treatments.

Psychosocial care

A combination of physical, psychological and social

experiences contributes to the complexity of drug

dependence. To treat the disease successfully and

overcome drug dependence, it is necessary to address

both the physical and psychosocial dimensions of the

disease (27). For many dependent drug-users this may

entail substantial physical, psychological and lifestyle

adjustments – a process that typically requires a lot of

time. OST must not only treat the opioid addiction but also

deal with mental and physical health and social problems.

Psychosocial care is, therefore, regarded as an additional

and necessary part of treatment in support of the medical

part of OST in prison.

Personalized patient care in prisons can be a significant

challenge. A personalized treatment plan should be drawn

up with the patient and regularly evaluated.

Polyvalent drug use

Clear and transparent protocols and guidelines should be

in operation regarding the use of other drugs prisoners

may have been using. In particular, benzodiazepines,

barbiturates and alcohol may pose severe health risks for

patients on OST. In these cases, the continuity of OST should

be thoroughly discussed, case by case. The options should

ideally be considered by a multidisciplinary team and (if one

is available) with the prison drug counselling service. Future

plans and goals should be decided and agreed, including

increasing the dose of OST medication and psychosocial

therapy and possibly even discontinuing OST.

Continuing OST between the community and prison

The medication of patients who are on OST prior to

imprisonment should be continued in prison, although

there are many barriers to such continuity of care. The

most significant barrier is that maintenance therapy is

interrupted for many patients if they spend time in police

custody prior to prison. This can result in significant loss

of opioid tolerance. Wherever possible, users should

continue their opioid maintenance therapy at their

prescribed dose while in police custody.

The high numbers of users requiring treatment in prison,

where the supply of illicit drugs is markedly reduced, can

mean that the protocols and practices of OST are oriented

more to the institution’s governance requirements than

to each patient’s needs and wishes. For instance, it

takes approximately five minutes for the supervised

administration of buprenorphine (sublingual). This is both

time-consuming and allows for the potential diversion

127

Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

of the medication, so methadone is often prescribed

as the first-line medication in prisons. Since some

users could perceive this as not being equivalent to the

treatment offered in the community, the replacement of

one substitution drug with another for the newly arrived

prisoner obviously needs to be clearly communicated to

him/her and is not recommended.

OST in the criminal justice system

OST should be available at all stages of the criminal

justice system if it is available at the community level and

should be started and/or continued from arrest to release

and afterwards.

It may also play an important role in police detention and

pre-trial detention institutions. People addicted to heroin

or other opioids who are arrested and taken into police

detention can face severe withdrawal symptoms.

OST should be offered as a form of throughcare, providing

stability in the physical and mental health of offenders

as well as in terms of overdose prevention. The risk of

overdose after a short period of detoxification rises, as

opioid addicts lose their opioid tolerance within days. The

effect of OST on reducing suicide risk has not been studied

but a positive impact is thought to be likely whether in

prisons, remand facilities or police detention. Moreover,

the risk of relapse increases during home leave, holidays

and so on.

Special considerations for women

Women tend to experience both drug dependence and

treatment differently from men. Major issues are related

to the high levels of both physical and mental co-morbidity

of women with opioid dependence, which need to be

taken into account in their treatment. Women with opioid

dependence often face a variety of barriers to treatment,

including a lack of financial resources, absence of services

and referral networks oriented to women and conflicting

child-care responsibilities.

Effective OST can substantially improve obstetric, prenatal

and neonatal outcomes. OST also has an important role in

attracting and keeping pregnant women in treatment and

ensuring good contact with the obstetric and communitybased

services, including primary care.

Harm reduction programmes

Definition of harm reduction

In their broadest sense, harm reduction policies,

programmes, services and action work to reduce the

health, social and economic harms to individuals,

communities and society that are associated with the use

of drugs (51). The Status paper on prisons, drugs and harm

reduction (21) defined harm reduction measures in prisons

as follows:

In public health relating to prisons, harm reduction describes

a concept aiming to prevent or reduce negative health

effects associated with certain types of behaviour (such as

drug injecting) and with imprisonment and overcrowding as

well as adverse effects on mental health.

Harm reduction acknowledges that many drug users

cannot totally abstain from using drugs in the short term

and aims to help them reduce the potential harm from

drug use, including through assistance to stop or reduce

the sharing of injecting equipment so as to prevent the

transmission of HIV or hepatitis which, in many ways, is

an even greater harm than drug use. A harm reduction

approach recognizes that a valid aim of drug interventions

is to reduce the relative risks associated with drug misuse.

In addition, the definition adopted by WHO acknowledges

the negative health effects of imprisonment (51). These

include the impact on mental health, the risk of suicide

and self-harm, the need to reduce the risk of drug overdose

on release and the harm resulting from inappropriate

imprisonment of people who in fact require facilities

unavailable in prison, especially when overcrowded.

All drug treatment services, both residential and

community-based, should incorporate a distinct harm

reduction element to reduce the spread of bloodborne

viruses and risk of drug-related deaths, notably deaths

from overdose (15). Specific harm reduction interventions

include:

• advice and information to prevent transmission of

bloodborne viruses (particularly hepatitis A, B and C

and HIV) and other infections related to drug use;

• vaccination for hepatitis B;

• access to testing and treatment for hepatitis B and C

and HIV/AIDS;

• counselling related to HIV/hepatitis testing (pre-and

post-test);

• advice and support on preventing the risk of overdose;

• risk assessment and referral to other treatment

services;

• needle exchange services, that is, the provision and

disposal of needles and syringes and other clean

injecting equipment (such as spoons, filters and citric

acid) in a variety of settings;

• advice and (peer) support on safer injection and

reducing injecting, and reducing the initiation of

others into injecting;

As shown above, many prisoners continue to use drugs in

prison, and some people start using and injecting drugs

128

Prisons and health

while in prison. Despite often massive efforts to reduce

the supply of drugs, the reality is that there is a demand

and drugs can and do enter prisons.

In prisons, as in the community, harm reduction measures

have been successfully implemented during the past 20

years throughout Europe as a supplementary strategy to

existing programmes oriented to drug-free treatment.

Harm reduction does not replace the need for other

interventions but adds to them, and should be seen as

a complementary component of wider health promotion

strategies. The following hierarchy of goals should guide

drug policy, in prisons as outside:

• securing survival;

• securing survival without the person contracting

irreversible damage;

• stabilizing the addict’s physical and social condition;

• supporting people dependent on drugs in their

attempts to lead drug-free lives.

Harm reduction has been addressed in Risk reduction for

drug users in European prisons, which has been translated

into and adapted to seven European languages (52). The

major objectives of this book are:

• to raise awareness of health problems connected to

drug use and drug-related infectious diseases;

• to initiate and support a discussion about risk reduction

in response to these health problems;

• to contribute to knowledge, skills and insight into the

problems and encourage a positive attitude towards

risk reduction activities by both inmates and personnel;

• to disseminate information relevant for health

promotion by a range of means;

• to stimulate and support the carrying out of risk

reduction activities for both inmates and staff.

The book also contains information for prison staff about

health and workplace safety, drugs, addiction, infectious

diseases and the services needed. Interactive material

about risk situations and risky conditions in prisons has

been included for inmates.

Provision of disinfectants

The provision of bleach or other disinfectants to

prisoners is an option to reduce the risk of transmission

of bloodborne viruses through the sharing of injection

equipment, particularly when sterile injection equipment

is not available. Many prison systems have adopted

programmes that provide disinfectants to prisoners who

inject drugs as well as instructions on how to disinfect

injecting equipment before reusing it. Evaluations of such

programmes have shown that it is feasible to distribute

bleach in prisons and does not compromise security (53–

56). Studies in the community have, however, raised doubts

about the effectiveness of bleach in decontaminating

injecting equipment. Today, disinfection as a means of

preventing HIV is regarded only as a second-line strategy

to syringe exchange programmes. Cleaning guidelines

recommend that injecting equipment should be soaked

in fresh full-strength bleach (5% sodium hypochlorite)

for a minimum of 30 seconds. More time is needed for

decontamination if diluted concentrations of bleach are

used. Further, a review of the effectiveness of bleach in

the prevention of hepatitis C infection concluded that

“although partial effectiveness cannot be excluded, the

published data clearly indicates that bleach disinfection

has limited benefit in preventing [hepatitis C virus]

transmission among injection drug users” (57). In prisons,

the effectiveness of bleach as a decontaminant may be

even further reduced.

Needle and syringe exchange programmes

In the community, needle and syringe exchange

programmes are widely available in many countries

and have been proved to be the most effective measure

available to reduce the spread of HIV and hepatitis through

the sharing of contaminated injecting equipment. In

prisons, however, needle and syringe programmes remain

rare, although they have been successfully introduced

in about 70 prisons in a growing number of countries

including Germany, Kyrgyzstan, Luxembourg, the Republic

of Moldova, Romania, Spain, Switzerland and Tajikistan.

Evaluations of existing programmes (56,58,59) have

shown that they:

• do not endanger staff or prisoner safety, and in fact

make prisons safer places to live and work;

• do not increase drug consumption or injecting;

• reduce risk behaviour and the transmission of disease,

including HIV and hepatitis C virus;

• have other positive outcomes for the health of

prisoners, including a drastic reduction in overdoses

(reported in some prisons) and increased referral to

drug treatment programmes;

• have been effective in a wide range of prisons;

• have successfully employed different methods of

needle distribution to meet the needs of staff and

prisoners in a range of prisons; and

• have been successfully used in prisons alongside

other programmes for preventing and treating drug

dependence.

When prison authorities have any evidence that injecting

is occurring, they should introduce needle and syringe

programmes, regardless of the current prevalence of HIV

and the hepatitis infection rate.

Despite the massive overrepresentation of injecting drug

users in custodial settings worldwide, the availability

129

Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

of harm reduction measures in prisons lags far behind

the availability of these interventions in the general

community. Illustrating this gap most vividly is the provision

– or lack – of needle and syringe programmes. In 2007, for

instance, the Commission of the European Communities

found that although 24 of the EU member states had

needle and syringe programmes in the community, only 3

of those countries had introduced them into prisons. This

disparity led the Commission to conclude the following:

Harm reduction interventions in prisons within the European

Union are still not in accordance with the principle of

equivalence adopted by United Nations General Assembly,

UNAIDS/ WHO and UNODC, which calls for equivalence

between health services and care (including harm reduction)

inside prison and those available to society outside prison.

Therefore, it is important for the countries to adapt prisonbased

harm reduction activities to meet the needs of drug

users and staff in prisons and improve access to services.

(60)

The Commission’s findings were recently confirmed, and

expanded upon, in a 2008 report from the Regional Office

which monitored Member States’ progress in achieving

the goals of the Dublin Declaration (61). This report

found that, of the 53 signatory countries, condoms were

available in prisons in only 18, substitution treatment in 17

and syringe exchange programmes in 6 (61,62). A review

by the International Harm Reduction Association in 2009

found the situation had only marginally improved, with 9

countries in Europe and central Asia having introduced

syringe exchange in prisons and 28 with substitution

treatment (63).

Transferring harm reduction strategies into the

prison setting

Despite the evidence that prisons can successfully

introduce harm reduction measures, with positive results

for prisoners, staff and ultimately for the community, many

are still afraid that introducing such measures would send

the wrong message and make illicit drugs more socially

acceptable. Many prisoners are in prison because of drug

offences or because of drug-related offences. Preventing

their drug use is an important part of their rehabilitation.

Some have said that acknowledging that drug use is a

reality in prisons would be acknowledging that prison staff

and prison authorities have failed. Others say that making

needles and syringes available to prisoners would mean

condoning behaviour that is illegal in prisons. However,

since HIV and hepatitis B and C seriously threaten prisons

and communities, harm reduction measures must be

introduced to protect public health. Making available to

prisoners the means necessary to protect them from the

transmission of HIV and hepatitis C virus does not mean

condoning drug use in prisons. Introducing needles and

syringes is not incompatible with a goal of reducing drug

use in prisons. Making needles and syringes available to

drug users has not increased drug use but has reduced the

number of injecting drug users contracting HIV and other

infections.

Involvement of community services

In the past decade, there have been new approaches

aiming to divert individuals away from prison and into

treatment alternatives as well as (for prisoners) into

a range of services in prisons. Specific legislation in

several countries has been introduced with the purpose

of enhancing links between the criminal justice system

and health services to reduce the number of drug users

entering prison. Despite these developments, the number

of prisoners with drug dependence has continued to grow.

As drug users often serve short sentences, they return

to their communities and many return to their old drugusing

habits. Support services need to be continued in

order to sustain successes achieved while in custody. This

indicates that criminal justice agencies need to improve

their links with drug services.

Pre-release units

Prisoners should begin to be prepared for release on the

day the sentence starts, as part of the sentence planning

process. All staff should be involved in preparing prisoners

for release. Good release planning is particularly important

for drug-using prisoners. The risks of relapse and overdose

are extremely high. Measures taken in prison to prepare

drug-using prisoners for release include:

• implementing measures to get prisoners off drugs and

keep them drug-free after release;

• granting home leave and conditional release,

integrated into treatment processes;

• cooperating with external drug services or doctors in

planning a prisoner’s release;

• involving self-help groups in the release phase; and

• taking effective measures (such as the provision of

naloxone and training) in prison to prevent prisoners

dying of a drug overdose shortly after release.

The challenge for prison services in facilitating a

successful return to the community is not only to treat a

drug problem, but also to address other issues including

employability, educational deficits and the maintenance

of family ties.

Many prisons undertake efforts to reduce relapse and

to provide social reintegration. Protocols are sometimes

set up with drug treatment centres from the national and

community health networks. In Portugal, for instance,

some projects focus on preparing for freedom and that

130

Prisons and health

getting a life means getting a job. Peer groups have been

developed to support treated drug addicts to prevent

relapse.

Aftercare

Several studies show that effective aftercare for drugusing

prisoners is essential to maintain gains made in

prison-based treatment (64, pp.223–231). Nevertheless,

prisoners often have difficulty in accessing assessments

and payment for treatment on release under community

care arrangements. In view of the increased risk of

overdose deaths, especially the first two weeks after

release, it is important to prepare prisoners with drug

problems about the risk of overdose and to ensure the

close follow-up of released prisoners with any drug

problems (65).

Therapy instead of punishment

Several countries have legal provisions for suspending

the sentences of drug users. In Sweden, Section 34 of

the Prison Treatment Act states that a prisoner may be

permitted – while still serving the prison sentence – to

be placed in a treatment facility outside prison. This is not

by definition a suspended sentence: it is an alternative

to staying in prison until release. Another possibility

is that the court sentences a person to probation with

contract treatment. This is possible when there is a clear

connection between drug abuse and crime. The person

has to accept and give consent to treatment instead of

prison. If the person interrupts or neglects the treatment,

the contract treatment will be interrupted and converted

into a prison sentence.

In Germany, Section 35 of the Opium Law allows prisoners

to undergo treatment instead of punishment when the

sentence is no more than two years.

References

1. Fazel S, Bains P, Doll H. Substance abuse and

dependence in prisoners: a systematic review.

Addiction, 2006, 101(2):181–191.

2. Tomasevski K. Prison health: international standards

and national practices in Europe. Helsinki, Helsinki

Institute for Crime Prevention and Control, 1992.

3. European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug

Addiction. Annual report 2006. The state of the drug

problem in the European Union. Luxembourg, Office for

Official Publications of the European Communities, 2006

(http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_

37244_EN_ar2006-en.pdf, accessed 30 November

2013).

4. Hedrich D, Farrell M. Opioid maintenance in European

prisons: is the treatment gap closing? Addiction, 2012,

107:461–463.

5. Prison Drug Treatment Strategy Review Group. The Patel

report. Reducing drug-related crime and rehabilitating

offenders. Recovery and rehabilitation for drug users

in prison and on release: recommendations for action.

London, Department of Health, 2010 (http://www.

drugsandalcohol.ie/13941/1/Patel_report_prison_drug_

treatment.pdf, accessed 29 November 2013).

6. Todts S et al. Usage de drogues dans les prisons

belges: monitoring des risques sanitaires. Brussels,

Service Public Federal Justice, 2008.

7. Sahajian F, Lamothe P, Fabry J. Psychoactive substance

use among newly incarcerated prison inmates. Sante

Publique, 2006 18(2):223–234.

8. Heidari E et al. Oral health of remand prisoners in

HMP Brixton, London. British Dental Journal, 2007,

202(2):E5.

9. Stewart D. Drug use and perceived treatment need

among newly sentenced prisoners in England and

Wales. Addiction, 2009, 104(2):243–247.

10. Niveau G, Ritter C. Route of administration of illicit

drugs among remand prison entrants. European

Addiction Research, 2008, 14(2):92–98.

11. Fotiadou M et al. Self-reported substance misuse in

Greek male prisoners. European Addiction Research,

2004, 10(2):56–60.

12. Prisoner survey 2008. 11th survey bulletin. Edinburgh,

Scottish Prison Service, 2008 (http://www.sps.

gov.uk/Publications/Publication75.aspx, accessed

30 November 2013).

13. Cannabis use in a Swiss male prison: qualitative

study exploring detainees’ and staffs’ perspectives.

International Journal of Drug Policy, 2013, 24:573–

578.

14. Shewan D, Stover H, Dolan K. Injecting in prisons.

In: Pates R, McBride A, Arnold K, ed. Injecting illicit

drugs. Oxford, Blackwell, 2005:69–81.

15. Stover H et al. Final report on prevention, treatment,

and harm reduction services in prison, on reintegration

services on release from prison and methods to

monitor/analyse drug use among prisoners. Brussels,

European Commission, Directorate-General for Health

and Consumers, 2008 (SANCO/2006/C4/02) (http://

ec.europa.eu/ health/ph_determinants/life_style/drug/

documents/drug_frep1.pdf, accessed 30 November

2013).

16. Jurgens R, Ball A, Verster A. Interventions to reduce

HIV transmission related to injecting drug use in

prison. Lancet Infectious Diseases, 2009, 9(1):57–66.

17. Interventions to address HIV in prisons. Needle and

syringe programmes and decontamination strategies.

Geneva, World Health Organization, 2007 (Evidence

for Action Technical Papers) (http://www.who.int/

hiv/idu/oms_ea_nsp_df1.pdf, accessed 30 November

2013).

131

18. Boys A et al. Drug use and initiation in prison: results

from a national prison study in England and Wales.

Addiction, 2002, 97:1551–1560.

19. Ritter C et al. Smoking in prisons: the need for effective

and acceptable interventions. Journal of Public Health

Policy, 2011, 32:32–45.

20. Levy H, Stover H, eds. Safe prescribing of medications

for custodial health. Oldenburg, BIS-Verlag, 2013

(Vol. 24 of the series Gesundheitsforderung im

Justizvollzug).

21. Status paper on prisons, drugs and harm reduction.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2005

(http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/

78549/E85877.pdf, accessed 30 November 2013).

22. Prisons, drugs and society. Consensus statement on

principles, policies and practices. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, and London, Prison Health

Policy Unit, Department of Health, 2002 (http://www.

euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0003/99012/E81

559.pdf, accessed 20 January 2014).

23. Basic principles for the treatment of prisoners. New York,

NY, United Nations, 1990 (A/RES/45/111) (http://www.

un.org/documents/ga/res/45/a45r111.htm, accessed

20 January 2014).

24. WHO guidelines on HIV infection and AIDS in prisons.

Geneva, World Health Organization, 1993 (http://data.

unaids.org/Publications/IRC-pub01/JC277-WHO-Guidel

-Prisons_en.pdf, accessed 29 November 2013).

25. HIV/AIDS prevention, care, treatment and support in

prison settings. New York, NY, United Nations, 2006

(http://data.unaids.org/pub/Report/2006/20060701_

hiv-aids_prisons_en.pdf, accessed 29 November

2013).

26. Uchtenhagen A. The Lisbon agenda for prisons. Lisbon,

European AIDS Treatment Group, Grupo Portugues de

Activistas sobre Tratamentos de VIH/SIDA [Portuguese

Group of Activists on HIV/AIDS], 2006 (http://84.16.87.126/

info/IMG/pdf/The_Lisbon_Agenda_for_Prisons_RS_

PW.pdf, accessed 29 November 2013).

27. Guidelines for the psychosocially assisted pharmacological

treatment of opioid dependence. Geneva, World Health

Organization, 2009 (http://www.who.int/substance_

abuse/publications/opioid_dependence_guidelines.pdf,

accessed 25 February 2014).

28. Interventions to address HIV in prisons: drug dependence

treatments. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2007

(Evidence for Action Technical Paper) (http://www.

unodc.org/documents/hiv-aids/EVIDENCE%20 FOR%

20ACTION%202007%20drug_treatment.pdf, accessed

22 April 2014)

29. WHO, UNODC, UNAIDS technical guide for countries to set

targets for universal access to HIV prevention, treatment

and care for injecting drug users – 2012 revision. Geneva,

World Health Organization, 2012 (http://apps.who.int/

iris/bitstream/10665/77969/1/9789241504379_eng.pdf,

accessed 22 April 2014).

30. Stosver H, Lines R. Silence still = death: 25 years of HIV/

AIDS in prisons. In: Matic S, Lazarus JV, Donoghoe MC,

eds. HIV/AIDS in Europe: moving from death sentence

to chronic disease management. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2006:67–86 (http://www.

euro.who.int/InformationSources/Publications/

Catalogue/20051123_2, accessed 30 November

2013).

31. Pont J, Stover H, Wolff H. Dual loyalty in prison health

care: carry on or abolish? American Journal of Public

Health, 2012, 102(3):475–480.

32. Marteau D, Palmer J, Stover H. Introduction of the

Integrated Drug Treatment System (IDTS) in English

prisons. International Journal of Prisoner Health,

2010, 6(3):117–124.

33. Grinstead O et al. Reducing post-release HIV risk

among male prison inmates: a peer-led intervention.

Criminal Justice and Behaviour, 1999, 26:453–465.

34. Van Meter J. Adolescents in youth empowerment

positions: special projects of national significance.

Washington, DC, United States Department of Health

and Human Services, 1996.

35. Stover H, Hennebel LC, Casselmann J. Substitution

treatment in European prisons. A study of policies

and practices of substitution in prisons in 18 European

countries. London, European Network of Drug Services

in Prison, 2004.

36. Stover H, Thane K. Towards a continuum of care in

the EU criminal justice system. A survey of prisoners’

needs in four countries (Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania,

Poland). Oldenburg, BIS-Verlag, 2011.

37. Substitution maintenance therapy in the management

of opioid dependence and HIV/AIDS prevention.

Geneva, World Health Organization, 2004 (WHO/

UNODC/UNAIDS position paper) (http://www.who.

int/substance_abuse/publications/en/PositionPaper_

English.pdf, accessed 30 November 2013).

38. Larney, S. Does opioid substitution treatment in

prisons reduce injecting-related HIV risk behaviours?

A systematic review. Addiction, 2010, 105:216–223.

39. Stallwitz A, Stover H. The impact of substitution

treatment in prisons – a literature review. International

Journal of Drug Policy, 2007, 18:464–474.

40. Verster A, Buning E. Methadone guidelines.

Amsterdam, Euro-Methwork, 2000 (http://www.q4q.

nl/methwork/guidelines/guidelinesuk/methadone%

20guidelines%20english.pdf, accessed 30 November

2013).

41. Hedrich D et al. The effectiveness of opioid maintenance

treatment in prison settings: a systematic review.

Addiction, 2012, 107(3):501–515.

Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

132

Prisons and health

42. Principles of drug addiction treatment: a research

based guide. Bethesda, MD, National Institute on

Drug Abuse, 2000.

43. HIV/AIDS prevention, care, treatment and support in

prison settings: a framework for an effective national

response. Vienna, United Nations Office on Drugs

and Crime, 2006 (http://www.who.int/hiv/pub/idu/

framework_prisons.pdf, accessed 30 November 2013).

44. Dolan K, Wodak AD, Hall WD. An international review

of methadone provision in prisons. Addiction Research,

1996, 4:85–97.

45. Dolan K et al. Four-year follow-up of imprisoned male

heroin users and methadone treatment: mortality,

re-incarceration and hepatitis C infection. Addiction,

2005, 100(6):820–828.

46. Farrell M, Marsden J. Acute risk of drug-related

death among newly released prisoners in England and

Wales. Addiction, 2008, 103(2):251–255.

47. Zickler P. High-dose methadone improves treatment

outcomes. NIDA Notes, 1999, 14(5) (http://archives.

drugabuse.gov/NIDA_Notes/NNVol14N5/HighDose.

html, accessed 30 November 2013).

48. Kirchmayer U et al. A systematic review on the

efficacy of naltrexone maintenance treatment in

opioid dependence. Addiction, 2002, 97:1241–1249.

49. Minozzi S et al. Oral naltrexone maintenance treatment

for opioid dependence. Cochrane Database of

Systematic Reviews, 2006, (1):CD001333.

50. Stover H, Marteau D. Scaling-up of opioid substitution

treatment in adult prison settings – scientific evidence

and practical experiences. International Journal of

Prisoner Health, 2012, 7(2/3):45–52.

51. United Kingdom Harm Reduction Alliance [web site],

2014 (http://www.ukhra.org, accessed 20 January 2014).

52. Stover H, Trautmann F. Risk reduction for drug users in

European prisons. Utrecht, Trimbos Institute, 2001.

53. Evaluation of HIV/AIDS harm reduction measures in the

Correctional Service of Canada. Ottawa, Correctional

Service of Canada, 1999.

54. Dolan K et al. Bleach availability and risk behaviours in

New South Wales. Sydney, National Drug and Alcohol

Research Centre, 1994 (Technical Report No. 22).

55. Dolan K, Wodak A, Hall W. HIV risk behaviour and

prevention in prison: a bleach program for inmates in

NSW. Drug and Alcohol Review, 1999, 18:139–143.

56. Effectiveness of sterile needle and syringe programming

in reducing HIV/AIDS among injecting drug users.

Geneva, World Health Organization, 2004 (Evidence for

Action Technical Papers) (http://www.who.int/hiv/pub/

idu/pubidu/en, accessed 30 November 2013).

57. Kapadia F et al. Does bleach disinfection of syringes

protect against hepatitis C infection among young

adult injection drug users? Epidemiology, 2002,

13(6):738–741.

58. Lines R et al. Prison needle exchange: a review

of international evidence and experience, 2nd ed.

Montreal, Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network, 2006.

59. Stover H, Nelles J. Ten years of experience with

needle and syringe exchange programmes in European

prisons. International Journal of Drug Policy, 2004,

14:437–444.

60. Report from the Commission to the European Parliament

and the Council on the implementation of the Council

Recommendation of 18 June 2003 on the prevention

and reduction of health-related harm associated with

drug dependence. Brussels, European Commission,

2007 (COM (2007) 199 final) (http://eurlex.europa.eu/

LexUriServ/site/en/com/2007/com2007_0199en01.pdf,

accessed 30 November 2013).

61. Matic S et al., eds. Progress on implementing the

Dublin Declaration on Partnership to Fight HIV/AIDS in

Europe and Central Asia. Copenhagen, WHO Regional

Office for Europe, 2008 (http://www.euro.who.int/

Document/SHA/Dublin_Dec_Report.pdf, accessed

30 November 2013).

62. Prevention and control of infectious diseases among

people who inject drugs. Stockholm, European Centre

for Disease Prevention and Control, 2011.

63. Cook C. Harm reduction policy and practice worldwide:

an overview of national support for harm reduction

and policy and practice. London, International Harm

Reduction Association, 2009.

64. Zurhold H, Haasen C, Stover H. Female drug users in

European prisons. Oldenburg, BIS-Verlag, 2005.

65. Prevention of acute drug-related mortality in prison

populations during the immediate post-release period.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2010

(http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0020/

114914/E93993.pdf, accessed 30 November 2013).

Further reading

Declaration on Prison Health as a Part of Public Health.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2003 (http://

www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/98971/

E94242.pdf, accessed 30 November 2013).

Eder H et al. Comparative study of the effectiveness

of slow-release morphine and methadone for opioid

maintenance therapy. Addiction, 2005, 100:1101–1109.

Elger B, Ritter C, Stover H, ed. Emerging issues in prison

health. Heidelberg/New York, Springer (in press.)

Greifinger R, ed. Public health behind bars – from prisons

to communities. Heidelberg/New York, Springer, 2007.

International guidelines on HIV/AIDS and human rights.

Consolidated version. Geneva, Office of the United Nations

133

High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Joint

United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS, 2006 (http://

www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/hiv/docs/consolidated_

guidelines.pdf, accessed 30 November 2013).

Kastelic A. Substitution treatment in prisons. In: Moller L

et al., eds. Health in prisons: a WHO guide to the

essentials of prison health. Copenhagen, WHO Regional

Office for Europe, 2007:113–132 (http://www.euro.who.

int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/99018/E90174.pdf,

accessed 6 November 2013).

Kastelic A, Perhavc O, Kostnapfel Rihtar T. General

instructions for treating drug users in prisons in Slovenia.

Ljubljana, Ministry of Health and Ministry of Justice,

2001.

Kastelic A, Pont J, Stover H. Opioid substitution treatment

in custodial settings – a practical guide. Oldenburg, BISVerlag,

2008.

Klempova D. Trends and patterns of drug use in the EU

and drug users in EU prisons. 9th ENDIPP Conference,

Ljubljana, Slovenia, 5–7 October 2006.

Marshall T, Simpson S, Stevens A. Alcohol and drug

misuse. Birmingham, University of Birmingham,

Department of Public Health and Epidemiology, 1999.

Newman R. Methadone: the barest basics; a guide for

providers. SEEA Addictions, 2003, 4(1–2).

Pisu M, Meltzer MI, Lyerla R. Cost effectiveness of

hepatitis B vaccination of prison inmates. Vaccine, 2002,

21(3–4):312–321.

Rich JD et al. A review of the case for hepatitis B

vaccination of high-risk adults. The American Journal of

Medicine, 2003, 114, 4:316–318.

Sharfstein J, Wise PH. Inadequate hepatitis B vaccination

of adolescents and adults at an urban community health

center. Journal of the National Medical Association,

1997, 89(2):86–92.

Small W et al. Incarceration, addiction and harm reduction:

inmates’ experience injecting drugs in prison. Substance

Use & Misuse, 2005, 40:831–843.

Wykes R. The failure of peer support groups in women’s prison

in Western Australia. Amsterdam, Drugtext Foundation, 1997

(http://www.drugtext.org/Prison-probation/the-failureof-

peer-support-groups-in-womens-prison-in-westernaustralia.

html, accessed 30 November 2013).

Drug treatment and harm reduction in prisons

134

15. Alcohol and prisons

Lesley Graham

Key points

• The harmful use of alcohol is a major public health

problem in Europe.

• The link between alcohol and crime, particularly

violent crime, is strong.

• The prevalence of alcohol problems in prisoners is

high.

• The prison setting is an opportunity to detect and treat

those who are hard to reach.

• Delivering interventions for alcohol problems in

prisoners has the potential to reduce alcohol problems,

reduce re-offending and tackle health inequalities.

Introduction

Health problems in prisoners mirror and often magnify

those of the wider population. The same is true for alcohol

problems.

Alcohol in Europe

Alcohol is a psychoactive, toxic and potentially addictive

substance (1). It is a causal factor in over 60 diseases and

injuries and accounted for 6.4% of all deaths in the Region in

2004 (2). Some consequences, such as intoxication or injury,

are acute while others, such as liver disease and cancers,

result from longer-term consumption. As well as the impact

on individuals, the consequences of alcohol consumption

may result in harm to others, such as drink–driving (3).

In most European countries, the drinking of alcohol is

common in the adult population, with 80–95% drinking at

least occasionally (4). Over the past two decades average

population consumption has been stable, although in

countries such as France and Italy there has been a

decrease and in others (Estonia, Ireland and the United

Kingdom) levels have been rising (5). Average population

consumption is linked to the number of heavy drinkers and

to the levels of alcohol-related harm (1). In 2004, the oneyear

prevalence of alcohol use disorders (alcohol problems

which can be defined as hazardous drinking, harmful use

or dependency (6)) in the Region was 1 in 20 (5.5%), with

a higher proportion in men (9.1%) (2).

Alcohol and crime

The link between alcohol and crime, particularly violent

crime, is strong and evident in all European countries.

Alcohol-related crime is both common and costly. In 2003,

alcohol-related crime in Europe was estimated to cost

33 billion (7).

Table 8 shows the percentage of all crimes and violent

crimes related to alcohol in selected European countries.

As there is no standardized definition of alcohol-related

crime, caution should be taken in drawing comparisons.

Alcohol-related crime can be described in three broad

categories: (i) where there is a direct causal relationship

(alcohol-specific offences such as drunk–driving and

drunkenness); (ii) where alcohol is a contributory factor

(with alcohol a trigger or facilitator to offending, for

example, assault, antisocial behaviour); and (iii) where

there is a co-existent relationship (the offender’s alcohol

consumption has no relation to the crime) (8).

The relationship between alcohol and crime is not,

therefore, a simple causal one. With regard to violence

where alcohol is recognized as a contributory factor,

theoretical models based on empirical evidence have

grouped factors into the following four broad areas (9):

Source: Anderson & Baumberg (7).

Table 8. All alcohol-related crimes and violent crimes in selected European countries (%)

Country Alcohol-related crime (%) Alcohol-related violent crimes %)

Belgium 20 40

Finland 47 66

Germany 7 24

United Kingdom (England and Wales) 25 48

135

Alcohol and prisons

• physical and psychological effects of alcohol on the

individual:

− reduced impulse control and impaired motor

functioning;

− impaired cognition, less self-reflection, impaired

ability to process multiple cues and solve problems;

− alcohol-induced myopia (short-sighted focus on

the immediate situation);

− greater willingness to take risks;

• personal characteristics:

− impulsiveness;

− frustration;

− anxiety;

− drinking patterns;

• situational context within which alcohol is consumed:.

− poor layout of bars with increased likelihood of

crowding;

− low staff-to-patron ratio;

− encouragement to drink large quantities;

• cultural context:

− acceptance of public drunkenness;

− acceptance of violence;

− unstructured drinking;

− beliefs about personal responsibility when drunk.

Measures to tackle alcohol-related crime need to include

interventions at the level of the individual as well as

broader interventions aimed at the social, physical and

cultural environments.

Alcohol problems in prisoners

The prevalence of alcohol problems in prisoners is

high, although the evidence base to date is limited. An

international systematic review found that 18–30% of men

and 10–24% of women prisoners had alcohol problems,

but the studies were noted to be heterogeneous (10). In

the United Kingdom (Scotland) in 2011, 50% of prisoners

reported that they were drunk at the time of their offences,

an increase of 10% over the previous 5 years (11). Nearly

half (48%) said they would accept help for their alcohol

problems if it was offered in the prison. Further Scottish

research found that 73% of prisoners had an alcohol-use

disorder, with 36% possibly being alcohol-dependent (12).

A further breakdown showed differences, with younger

drinkers less likely to show habitual and addictive forms

of behaviour, which is of importance for the delivery of

appropriate interventions (13).

The prison setting is an opportunity to detect, intervene or

direct into treatment prisoners who have alcohol problems

which may or may not be directly linked to their offences

but who are often hard to reach. Prisoners often come

from disadvantaged areas where alcohol mortality can

be disproportionately high. Tackling alcohol problems in

prison has the potential not only to reduce such problems

but also to reduce health inequalities and re-offending.

Effective detection

The first step in addressing an alcohol problem in a prisoner

is to be able to identify it. The routine taking of a clinical

history can be augmented through the use of a validated

alcohol screening tool, although there is limited evidence

of the testing of screening tools in the prisoner population.

A rapid literature review identified three screening tools as

having good validity and reliability in offending populations,

although no single tool was identified as superior (12). The

WHO Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT)

screening tool (14) (Table 9) was considered to be the most

promising, although more than one screening tool may be

required for this diverse population. One small-scale study

has shown that the timing of the screening may be relevant:

screening immediately on reception into prison, a time of

competing demand and stress, is perhaps less effective

(15).

Effective interventions

Interventions for alcohol problems need to be effective for

the type of alcohol problem identified. They can range from

brief interventions for hazardous drinking, to cognitivebehavioural

approaches for more harmful and dependent

drinkers, to pharmaceutical treatment for acute alcohol

withdrawal or prevention of relapse. Current evidence about

effective interventions in the prisoner population is limited

as many studies conflate alcohol and drug problems, making

it difficult to identify alcohol-specific outcomes. There is

evidence of the effectiveness of therapeutic communities,

but only for those with alcohol and drug problems, and they

can be costly and time-intensive to provide. The highest

quality evidence base is that for alcohol brief interventions.

Some studies have been conducted in the wider offender

population but the effectiveness of these interventions

in prisons has yet to be established (12). There is some

limited evidence that alcohol interventions can reduce reoffending

(16). Further details about interventions targeting

prisoners with an alcohol problem can be found in the WHO

publication Alcohol problems in the criminal justice system:

an opportunity for intervention (17).

Integrated care

The detection and treatment of, and interventions for,

alcohol problems in prisons are optimized when delivered

with an integrated, person-centred approach. What care is

delivered by whom, when and where can be mapped out

in an alcohol care pathway. This enables care delivery to

be seen as a whole system, promoting appropriate access

and continuity of care. The key elements should include

screening on arrival, detoxification for those in need, triage,

a range of effective interventions and throughcare (12).

136

Prisons and health

Table 9. The WHO Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT): interview version

1. How often do you have a drink containing alcohol?

(0) Never [Skip to questions 9–10]

(1) Monthly or less

(2) 2–4 times a month

(3) 2–3 times a week

(4) 4 or more times a week

2. How many drinks containing alcohol do you have on a

typical day when you are drinking?

(0) 1 or 2

(1) 3 or 4

(2) 5 or 6

(3) 7, 8 or 9

(4) 10 or more

3. How often do you have six or more drinks on one

occasion?

(0) Never

(1) Less than monthly

(2) Monthly

(3) Weekly

(4) Daily or almost daily

[Skip to questions 9 and 10 if total score for questions

2 and 3 = 0]

4. How often during the last year have you found that you

were not able to stop drinking once you had started?

(0) Never

(1) Less than monthly

(2) Monthly

(3) Weekly

(4) Daily or almost daily

5. How often during the last year have you failed to do

what was normally expected from you because of

drinking?

(0) Never

(1) Less than monthly

(2) Monthly

(3) Weekly

(4) Daily or almost daily

6. How often during the last year have you needed a

first drink in the morning to get yourself going after

a heavy drinking session?

(0) Never

(1) Less than monthly

(2) Monthly

(3) Weekly

(4) Daily or almost daily

7. How often during the last year have you had a

feeling of guilt or remorse after drinking?

(0) Never

(1) Less than monthly

(2) Monthly

(3) Weekly

(4) Daily or almost daily

8. How often during the last year have you been

unable to remember what happened the night

before because you had been drinking?

(0) Never

(1) Less than monthly

(2) Monthly

(3) Weekly

(4) Daily or almost daily

9. Have you or someone else been injured as a result

of your drinking?

(0) No

(2) Yes, but not in the last year

(4) Yes, during the last year

10. Has a relative or friend or a doctor or another

health worker been concerned about your drinking

or suggested you cut down?

(0) No

(2) Yes, but not in the last year

(4) Yes, during the last year

Issues and challenges with alcohol

problems in prisons

Alcohol services in prisons, as with all prison health

delivery, take place within the constraints of a custodial

regime where security and order are necessary. Prisons

can often be overcrowded and with a high turnover that

can make access to treatment and continuity of care more

difficult to achieve. Many prisoners have other complex

needs, such as drug misuse and mental health problems,

which can make treatment all the more challenging.

Literacy problems can limit understanding of, for example,

health education materials, or make self-referral to

137

Alcohol and prisons

services difficult if this has to be by written request. On first

arrival, the absence of alcohol in the prison environment

and other pressures can mask alcohol problems, except

in the case of those who develop alcohol withdrawal

symptoms. Prisoners can also be unwilling to admit to

alcohol problems at any point in their incarceration. On

release, there is the risk of relapse into previous drinking

behaviour as prisoners return to their communities.

References

1. Babor T et al. Alcohol: no ordinary commodity. Oxford,

Oxford University Press, 2010.

2. Rhem J et al. Global burden of disease and injury and

economic cost attributable to alcohol use and alcoholuse

disorders. The Lancet, 2009, 373:2223–2233.

3. European status report on alcohol and health.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2010

(http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/

128065/e94533.pdf, accessed 3 December 2013).

4. European Information System on Alcohol and Health

[web site]. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2010 (http:

//apps.who.int/gho/data/view.main-euro? showonly

=GISAH, accessed 3 December 2013).

5. Anderson P, Moller L, Galea G, eds. Alcohol in the

European Union: consumption, harm and policy

approaches. Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for

Europe, 2012 (http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/

pdf_file/0003/160680/e96457.pdf, accessed 19th August

2013)

6. The ICD-10 classification of mental and behavioural

disorders. Geneva, World Health Organization, 1992

(http://www.who.int/classifications/icd/en/bluebook.

pdf, accessed 3 December 2013).

7. Anderson P, Baumberg B. Alcohol in Europe: a public

health perspective. London, Institute of Alcohol Studies,

2006 (http://ec.europa.eu/health/ph_determinants/

life_style/alcohol/documents/alcohol_europe.pdf,

accessed 3 December 2013).

8. Deehan A. Alcohol and crime: taking stock. London,

Home Office, 1999.

9. Graham K, Wells S, West P. A framework for applying

explanations of alcohol-related aggression to naturally

occurring aggressive behaviour. Contemporary Drug

Problems, 1997, 24(4):625–666.

10. Fazel S, Bains P, Doll H. Substance abuse and

dependence in prisoners: a systematic review.

Addiction, 2006, 1:181–191.

11. Carnie J, Broderick R. Scottish Prisoner Survey 2011.

Edinburgh, Scottish Prison Service, 2011.

12. Parkes T et al. Prison health needs assessment for

alcohol problems. Edinburgh, NHS Health Scotland,

2010.

13. MacAskill S et al. Assessment of alcohol problems

using AUDIT in a prison setting: more than an ‘aye or

no’ question. BMC Public Health, 2011, 11:865.

14. Babor TF et al. AUDIT: The Alcohol Use Disorders

Identification Test. Guidelines for use in primary care,

2nd ed. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2001.

15. Maggia B et al. Variation in AUDIT (alcohol use

disorder identification test) scores within the first

weeks of imprisonment. Alcohol and Alcoholism,

2004, 39(3):247–250.

16. McCollister K E, French MT. The relative contribution

of outcome domains in the total economic benefit

of addiction interventions: a review of first findings.

Addiction, 2003, 98(12):1647–1659.

17. Graham L et al. Alcohol problems in the criminal justice

system: an opportunity for intervention. Copenhagen,

WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2012 (http://

www.euro.who.int/en/what-we-publish/abstracts/

alcohol-problems-in-the-criminal-justice-system-anopportunity-

for-intervention, accessed 3 December

2013).

138

16. Tobacco use in prison settings: a need for policy

implementation

Michelle Baybutt, Catherine Ritter, Heino Stover

Key points

• Tobacco is the psychoactive substance most widely used

by prisoners, with prevalence rates ranging from 64% to

more than 90%, depending on the country and the setting.

• Tobacco use is completely entangled in prison life

where it helps to cope with boredom, deprivation or

stress, relieve anxiety and tension and function as a

source of pleasure or monetary value in an environment

without currency.

• Few measures other than the implementation of bans

have been taken so far to reduce exposure to secondhand

smoke (SHS), indicating the low priority attached

to this factor in health promotion in prisons.

• There is limited available evidence for best practice

regarding smoking cessation in prison populations.

More cessation programmes need to be implemented.

Smoking by staff should be addressed systematically

in tobacco control policies in prisons. Since the broader

public health system should systematically include

incarcerated people, national and local tobacco

strategies and plans should include prisons.

Introduction

Tobacco is the psychoactive substance most widely used

by prisoners, with prevalence rates ranging from 64%

to more than 90%, depending on the country and the

setting. The rates regarding female prisoners are either

comparable or higher (1). Whereas a remarkable decline

in smoking prevalence rates has been observed in the

general population where tobacco control policies are

being implemented (2), no comparable changes have

occurred in prisons over the last decades. Smoking

prevalence rates in prison populations remain two to four

times higher than in the general population.

Prisoners face an elevated probability of being exposed

to SHS due to the high prevalence of smokers and the

fact that they are often forced to spend most of their time

indoors where ventilation is usually poor. This creates

a need for effective interventions to reduce involuntary

health risks to both detainees and staff.

Main issues: prevalence and exposure to

SHS in prison settings

The reported prevalence rates of exposure to SHS in

the literature vary according to the setting (prison, jail,

remand custody), the country and the study population.

One common trend, however, shows higher prevalence

inside prisons (two to four times) or proportions that tally

with the proportion of non-smokers outside prison (for

example, 75% of smokers inside and 25% outside) (3).

In the United States, it has been reported that 82.5% of

male prisoners smoke (4,5). In Australia, values reach

90% or even 97% (6,7). In Europe, high prevalences are

reported in: Greece 91.8% (8) or 80% (9), France 90% (10),

Germany 88% (11), Lithuania 85.5% (12), Switzerland 83%

(13), Poland 81% (14), United Kingdom 78% in London (15)

or 89% (16) and Italy 77% (17).

Fewer data are available for women. In the United States,

prevalence varies from 42% to 91% (18,19). In Australia,

88% has been reported (20). Values are similarly high

in Europe, with 85.3% in Lithuania (21), and 85% in the

United Kingdom (22). Smoking is also reported during

pregnancy in 66% of women (23).

Almost no data are available for younger prisoners. In the

United States, 46.6% smoke daily (24). In Australia, 58%

smoke despite a total ban (25).

The situation among staff is also largely unexplored and

few data are available. In some countries, the prevalence

rates among staff in detention facilities are higher than or

comparable to those of the general population. In Canada

they are 2.5 times higher in prison (26). In Switzerland,

prevalences of smoking among staff ranging from 26% to

55% have been reported (17).

Related to the high prevalence of tobacco-smoking,

exposure to SHS is frequent when prisoners spend a

lot of their time indoors and in compounds with poor

ventilation systems. SHS is known to have healthdamaging

effects, including an increased risk of heart

disease and lung cancer (by 25% to 30%) in non-smokers

(27). There is no threshold below which exposure is riskfree,

and measures such as separating smokers from nonsmokers

and improving ventilation are either inadequate

or impracticable in most situations and do not provide full

protection from SHS (2,28–31).

The introduction of total bans, where the entire compound

should be completely smoke-free, and partial bans, where

smoking is allowed in cells or designated places indoors or

outdoors, have shown improvements in air quality. These

139

Tobacco use in prison settings: a need for policy implementation

are still insufficient, however, as the detected thresholds

of dust particles or nicotine concentrations remain above

those detected outdoors or in completely smoke-free areas

(28,32,33). Such isolated measures can bring an improvement

that remains partial. A more comprehensive approach is

needed to reduce SHS further, by helping tobacco-users to

change their behaviour and not just regulating the places

where they are allowed to smoke or not.

WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco

Control (WHO FCTC)

In 2003, the Fifty-sixth World Health Assembly developed

the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (WHO

FCTC) (34). This declares that all persons need to be protected

from exposure to environmental tobacco smoke (Articles 4

and 8), which in practice includes prisoners and prison staff,

as specified in the Guidelines regarding the implementation

of Article 8: “Careful consideration should be given to

workplaces that are also individuals’ homes or dwelling

places, for example, prisons, mental health institutions or

nursing homes. These places also constitute workplaces for

others, who should be protected from exposure to tobacco

smoke” (31). A further specific document considers the

application of Article 8 in prisons (35).

Reasons for the high prevalence of tobacco

use in prisons

Prisons concentrate people who frequently use tobacco

and show an important degree of dependence. They

often have a lower socioeconomic status, use multiple

drugs (including alcohol) and suffer from mental health

problems. They are also recognized as the groups resistant

to smoking cessation strategies outside (7,9,15,25,36–38).

Another main reason for the high prevalence rates

of smoking in prisons is the absence of interventions

addressing this issue, specifically among prisoners. Prisons

have rarely been included in national tobacco strategies

(9,39) and there is still a lack of evidence for best practice

regarding smoking cessation among inmates (7).

As with the great majority of all smokers, incarcerated

men and women are interested in stopping their tobacco

use (40,41). As spontaneous cessation is rare, however,

there is a need for a policy to address the characteristics of

closed settings and the complex needs of the individuals

living and working there.

Even if prisons are considered as places where there are

opportunities to equilibrate access to health care services

(15,42), effective prevention messages and smoking

cessation programmes have not maximized the potential

reach to the incarcerated population (5). In most places,

quitting remains a lone and environmentally unsupported

decision and process.

Smoking cessation programmes are given a lower priority

than other health care issues or other substance abuse

programmes. It is not uncommon to find, along with highly

developed access to health care, inclusive harm reduction

and OST for intravenous drug users, an absence of concern

or programme addressing tobacco use and a lack of health

staff specifically trained to address tobacco cessation

support. Tobacco-smoking seems to be the health risk

addressed the least compared to abuse of other substances,

which are massively overrepresented in prisons (43).

Furthermore, even when they are available, prisoners

seem to make little use of treatment programmes for

smoking cessation (40,44).

Significance of tobacco use in prison

Smoking is an established and integral part of the culture

and a social norm in prisons and other criminal justice

settings (7,38,45). Prisons have entrenched cultures

that shape the ways in which social relations between

prisoners, and between prisoners and staff, are conducted

(46,47). A male prisoner in a category C prison in England

described the significance of tobacco as “everybody’s

lifeline in here” (48).

Smoking habits can change in prison, either positively or

negatively. For example, a lack of access to tobacco and

other factors can be associated with a reduction in the

amount of tobacco smoked and/or frequency of smoking

(12,22). Conversely, being imprisoned can lead to an

increase in smoking behaviour. Factors such as boredom

and coping with stress are frequently given by prisoners

to explain why they feel a stronger need to smoke while

in prison – 40% of Polish prisoners in a survey said that

the boredom associated with being in prison encouraged

smoking (9,49). Smoking can be seen by prisoners as a

way of helping to manage stressful situations such as

prison transfers, court appearances and prison visits (49).

Lack of family support and missing friends and family have

been identified as further reasons why prisoners may feel

a need to smoke while in prison (9).

Further, boredom, prolonged periods locked in cells,

bullying and stress have also been given as reasons for

relapse by prisoners who tried to stop while in prison

(49). Cigarettes and tobacco are frequently used by

prisoners as currency (38,50) and there are reports that

this may apply to medicinal nicotine as well (15,50,51). In

some instances, it has been reported that prisoners have

gone on to stop smoking programmes in order to obtain

nicotine replacement therapy to sell to other prisoners

while they themselves continue to smoke (15). Nicotine

patch exchange schemes have been introduced into some

prisons in response to this problem (51). Some prisons

140

Prisons and health

insist on the use of transparent patches to prevent the

concealment of illicit substances.

Offenders often show other challenging issues in addition

to smoking, including addiction to other substances.

Social and interpersonal difficulties can also affect their

motivation and ability to stop smoking (22,52,53).

Learning difficulties and high rates of low educational

attainment among prisoners (54) can have an impact on

their ability to access services through the application

process, in addition to coping with complex health

information materials (55) which frequently do not

translate easily to the prison setting.

The transient lives of prisoners can provide additional

challenges in terms of engaging them and keeping them

in contact with smoking cessation services as well as the

continuation of support and counselling (51,56). The postrelease

period is particularly challenging and a stressful

time of readjustment. Smoking cessation services

should, therefore, plan for the likelihood of transfers (49)

by ensuring that medical records are transferred with

prisoners together with a short supply of pharmacotherapy

to last until prescribing can be renewed at the new location

(51). Linking community smoking cessation services with

prison programmes could offer post-release support and

thus reduce rates of relapse (44,52).

On the other hand, qualitative research conducted in United

Kingdom prisons has revealed that many prisoners want

to achieve something while in prison and view stopping

smoking as a big achievement (51). Prisoners have described

being in prison as an opportunity to access stop smoking

services and nicotine replacement therapy (57).

Resistance and negative attitudes to smoking cessation in

prisons can be based on the belief that stopping smoking,

especially if this is enforced through smoking restrictions,

would place an intolerable burden of stress on prisoners

at an already stressful time (58). Mitigating stress and

boredom among prisoners should be considered as part

of stop smoking initiatives. Since physical exercise has

been described by prisoners as a substitute for smoking,

these could include improved access to gym facilities or

sporting activities, for example, as part of a joint response

across the prison setting (49).

While not primarily concerned with the health of the

prison population, prisons have a duty of care for those

they hold in detention. In relation to smoking, this should

include the promotion and support of cessation for those

smokers wishing to stop, protecting non-smokers from

starting to smoke and protecting prisoners, staff and

visitors from exposure to passive smoke. Tackling smoking

is difficult in an environment where it is an established

and integral part of the culture and social norms, widely

used in social rituals to relieve boredom and stress, and in

which tobacco is often used as currency (7,38,45).

Addressing smoking among the offender population

should not be limited to prisons, as smokers awaiting

trial or on probation after serving a sentence may

also need help and support. It is well recognized that

addressing inequality issues through an engagement

with stop smoking initiatives with offenders will have

improved health outcomes for their families and the wider

communities in which they live. A current study in the

north-west of England addresses these issues by looking

at the organizational and systems perspectives across a

series of criminal justice settings in relation to tobacco

control and stop smoking support and treatment (Box 3).

Tobacco use by prison staff

Tobacco is particular in the sense that it is the only

psychoactive substance visibly used by prison staff.

The regulations regarding their use of tobacco while at

work vary greatly between countries, ranging from total

prohibition to smoking being allowed in designated areas,

even indoors (Germany, for example) (37). The United

Kingdom is an example of how support for smoking

cessation is sometimes available and included as a health

promotion target for staff (59). It is particularly important

to gain a better acceptance of regulations. Staff have

been shown to be resistant to changes in smoking policy

(60), with non-smokers being more supportive of a ban

(61). As part of a whole-prison approach, staff should

systematically be included in tobacco control policies in

prisons and supported in their attempts to stop (62).

Addressing the smoking issue in prisons

Prison administrators should address the tobacco issue

in cooperation with prison health staff and tobacco

cessation specialists from the regional network, to ensure

the inclusion of the various components of an efficient

policy and, in particular the regional regulations prevailing

outside prison, cessation support, training of medical and

prison staff, and education of prisoners about tobacco

and the consequences of its use (63,64). Confusion over

ownership of the smoking problem between the health

department and custodial authorities has to be avoided.

The importance of a whole-prison approach managed

through a multidisciplinary team is also underlined (65).

A study completed in 2011 in prisons in Germany included

the design of a tobacco control policy in prisons (66).

It is intentionally addressed to prison administrators, to guide

their reflections on and implementation of comprehensive

tobacco control policies in their institutions.

141

Tobacco use in prison settings: a need for policy implementation

Background

In England and Wales, over 80% of men and women in prison are smokers, compared to general population

levels of around 21% (20,22,36,37). Similar levels are apparent in police custody and probation, although

there is less information available. A strong case for addressing tobacco control issues in prisons and the

wider criminal justice setting is increasingly being recognized (67,68), with positive effects on public health as

individuals move in, through and out of criminal justice settings.

Prisoners’ health has been a responsibility of the National Health Service since 1995. The aim is to give

prisoners access to the same range and quality of health care services as the public receives in the

community (69,70). Support to stop smoking is commissioned by primary care trusts and provided in a

variety of ways, typically by specialists going into prisons or by prison health care staff being trained and

supported by community stop smoking services. Cessation work with other categories of offender, such as

those in custody or on probation, is minimal. Common areas in prisons are smoke-free but prisoners may

smoke in their cells in adult prisons, with issues recognized in relation to shared cells and staff exposure

on entering cells.

Achievements

With the innovative appointment of a tobacco control coordinator for the North West Region, the project (2010–

2011) has focused on organizational systems in prisons, probation and police custody and the relevant health

commissioners and providers in relation to tobacco control and stop smoking services and treatment. This project

is part of the Health Inequalities Programme funded by the Department of Health and led by the United Kingdom

Centre for Tobacco Control Studies (a United Kingdom public health research centre of excellence and a strategic

partnership of nine universities involved in tobacco research in the United Kingdom) (71).

A wide range of activities have encompassed: (i) a rapid review of literature (72); (ii) initial mapping of cessation

activity across 16 prisons in the north-west of England, which highlighted a wide variety of models for the

provision of stop smoking services – all establishments have smoking policies in place as required in Prison

Service Order 3200, Health Promotion (73); and (iii) five in-depth case studies, which provide a focus on the key

issues of tobacco in varied criminal justice settings.

Key project outputs have included the development of a Stop Smoking Training Framework for Prisons, a

service delivery framework for stop smoking services in prison, a nicotine replacement therapy protocol for

prisons to provide consistency and a data collection reminder paper.

The tobacco control coordinator was an active participant in various regional meetings and tobacco control

local alliances. This made it easier to raise awareness of tobacco control issues in criminal justice settings for

health care commissioners and providers and to help establish tobacco control issues on the broader criminal

justice agenda.

Conclusion

This project is evidently unique and, with its emphasis on the role of a project coordinator, many strengths

have been identified which are clarified in its evaluation, including acting as a conduit for informationsharing

and knowledge transfer, supporting the development of services and networking. The coordinator

has provided a proactive and consistent voice in a range of health and criminal justice settings. It is vital

that these strengths are disseminated directly to a variety of audiences including the criminal justice

system, agencies providing smoking cessation support and relevant geographical alliances, whether or not

additional funding for a separate role can be identified. More information on the project can be found on

the web site (72).

Source: Baybutt M, MacAskill S, Woods S. Report of North West Case Studies of Best Practice and Innovation, 2011. Prepared as part of the Tobacco

Control in Prisons and Criminal Justice Settings: Regional Coordination Pilot Project (unpublished document).

Box 3. Case study: local action for tobacco control: criminal justice setting, United Kingdom

(England and Wales)

142

Prisons and health

Outline of a tobacco control policy in

German prisons

Introduction13

In 2011, a study was undertaken in German prisons,

supported by the Federal Ministry of Health, with the

aim of proposing a sustainable tobacco control policy in

German prisons.

The objectives of the policy are to improve the living and

working conditions of prisoners and staff by creating a

better health-promoting environment, in particular to

reduce their exposure to SHS, to support smoking reduction

and cessation attempts, and to optimize cooperation

between health services and prison administrators.

Some of the elements presented here might not be

adaptable to the exact situations prevailing in other

countries, where different degrees of protection against

exposure to SHS might already have been implemented.

The policy is aimed at prisoners and staff. It consists

of six modules: (i) general principles of the policy;

(ii) regulations; (iii) health education and training;

(iv) individual support to reduce or stop smoking;

(v) networking with tobacco prevention experts; and

(vi) a checklist.

General principles of the policy

The concept is based on the following principles.

According to the regional laws protecting against SHS

(Germany counts 16 regions and laws) smoking is only

allowed in designated areas. The cell is considered a

private area. Smoking is prohibited when numerous

people, including non-smokers, are together in the same

area (74).

Isolated measures are insufficient. Examples are: the

availability of therapeutic services with no account taken

of the environment; or the implementation of smoke-free

regulations alone, when they should be supplemented by

therapeutic and counselling services, efficient networking

and staff training.

Regulations for protection against SHS or for smoke-free

areas should be as comparable as possible with those

prevailing outside prisons (in the corresponding area).

This allows for greater acceptance by everyone involved

and prepares prisoners for their return to life outside

prison, since they are familiar with the same rules. In this

respect, efforts to accept measures for protection against

SHS are part of social reintegration.

13 This policy was prepared by Catherine Ritter and Heino Stover in 2012 as part of a research project on tobacco prevention in prisons.

A health promotion officer should be designated in the

prison and trained to implement the tobacco control policy

and develop advice, reduction and cessation programmes

for both prisoners and staff.

Tobacco use and protection against exposure to SHS should

be tackled as part of health promotion in the workplace.

It is a crossover issue and requires concerted work with

clearly defined responsibilities for the health services,

prison staff representatives, prison administration and

representatives of prisoners.

Tobacco is often used together with other substances.

Tobacco control should, therefore, be included in the

implementation of comprehensive addiction strategies at

institutional, regional and national levels.

Campaigns that are organized outside prison can also be

implemented inside prison, in particular activities during

the World No Tobacco Day on 31 May (75) or, for example,

during a one-week campaign before or after that date,

when prisons can focus on tobacco issues.

Smoke-free regulations

Prison regulations should be checked for their inclusion

of rules governing exposure to SHS. Non-smokers should

not share cells with smokers. Smoke-free floors should be

established, with specific smoke-free cells available for

prisoners on the first day of their arrival in the prison. The

smoke-free regulations covering the working areas should

be implemented and endorsed uniformly, especially

regarding breaks. Working areas and toilets should be

smoke-free, in line with the law prevailing outside prison.

Health education and training

Information should be available about the consequences of

tobacco use and reducing or stopping it. Each region should

provide education and training for staff. Unfortunately, the

tobacco use issue is still rarely systematically included in

training programmes, meaning that interested prison and

health staff have to find out by themselves where such

training is available.

Individual support to reduce or stop smoking

Support in reducing or stopping smoking should be

available to individual prisoners and staff members, as

follows.

Prisoners should actively and regularly (at all stages of

detention) be approached about their smoking behaviour.

Support should be available for prisoners seeking to

reduce or stop their use of tobacco. Such support should be

143

Tobacco use in prison settings: a need for policy implementation

developed according to the uses and resources available

in each setting (for example, access to medication either

free of charge or with shared costs).

Staff should be told about the smoke-free regulations

applying to them when they start work in the detention

setting. These regulations should be one of the main

principles in each setting.

As a general rule, staff should not smoke with prisoners,

especially not in their cells. This is to avoid giving a false

impression of solidarity, to respect prisoner’ private space

and to avoid hiding when smoking has been banned indoors.

Conversations between prisoners and staff should take

place in rooms other than cells occupied by smokers (74).

Cells should be intensively aired before they are searched

and prisoners should be asked to refrain from smoking

when staff are present.

The motivation for staff to reduce or stop using tobacco

should be regularly tested. Smoke-free workplaces

promote smoke-free homes, which further protect families

and strengthen smoking cessation attempts in general.

To avoid the promotion of smoking while at work, there

should be no indoor smoking areas and tobacco use should

be limited to designated places outdoor and during breaks

(even where it is legally permitted to smoke indoors, as in

Germany (76,77)).

A qualified professional should be available to provide

support for individuals trying to reduce or stop their

smoking.

Rewards (or contingency management) could be

introduced as part of the support for people trying to stop

smoking, such as a half-day off for non-smokers.

Networking with tobacco prevention experts

Cooperation with competent and qualified experts in

tobacco use, reduction and cessation should be sought

and developed at local or national level. This is important

and useful for the provision of training materials (in

particular for vulnerable groups, such as young people)

and in certain facilities such as prison hospitals.

Checklist

A checklist is useful in reviewing the situation regarding

exposure to SHS and efforts to reduce it. It clarifies which

points in this policy have been achieved and which need

closer attention (Fig. 6).

References

1. Ritter C, Stover H. Nichtraucherschutzstrategie in

den Justizvollzugsanstalten. Presentation at the 6th

European Conference on Health Promotion in Prisons,

Geneva, 1–3 February 2012.

2. The European tobacco control report 2007. Geneva,

World Health Organization, 2007 (http://www.euro.

who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0005/68117/E89842.

pdf, accessed 4 December 2013).

3. Patrick S, Marsh R. Current tobacco policies in U.S.

adult male prisons. The Social Science Journal, 2001,

38:27–37.

4. Lincoln T et al. Resumption of smoking after release

from a tobacco-free correctional facility. Journal of

Correctional Health Care, 2009, 15(3):190–196.

5. Kauffman RM et al. Measuring tobacco use in a prison

population. Nicotine & Tobacco Research, 2010,

12(6):582–588.

6. Awofeso N et al. Smoking prevalence in New South

Wales correctional facilities. Tobacco Control, 2000,

10(1):84–85.

7. Butler T et al. Should smoking be banned in prisons?

Tobacco Control, 2007, 16(5):291–293.

8. Lekka NP et al. Association of cigarette smoking

and depressive symptoms in a forensic population.

Depression and Anxiety, 2007, 24(5) 325–330.

9. Papadodima SA et al. Smoking in prison: a hierarchical

approach at the crossroad of personality and childhood

events. European Journal of Public Health, 2010,

20(4):470–474.

10. Sannier O et al. [Obstructive lung diseases in a French

prison: results of systematic screening]. Revue de

Pneumologie Clinique, 2009, 65(1):1–8.

11. Tielking K, Becker S, Stover H. Entwicklung

gesundheitsfordern der Angebote im Justizvollzug.

Eine Untersuchung zur gesundheitlichen Lage von

Inhaftierten der Justizvollzugsanstalt. Oldenburg, BISVerlag,

2003.

12. Narkauskaite L et al. The prevalence of psychotropic

substance use and its influencing factors in Lithuanian

penitentiaries. Medical Science Monitor, 2007,

13(3):CR131–135.

13. Etter JF et al. Implementation and impact of antismoking

interventions in three prisons in the absence

of appropriate legislation. Preventive Medicine, 2012,

55(5):475–481.

14. Sieminska A, Jassem E, Konopa K. Prisoners’ attitudes

towards cigarette smoking and smoking cessation: a

questionnaire study in Poland. BMC Public Health,

2006, 6:181.

15. Heidari E et al. Oral health of remand prisoners in HMP

Brixton, London. British Dental Journal, 2007, 202(2):E5.

16. MacAskill S. Social marketing with challenging target

groups: smoking cessation in prisons in England

and Wales. International Journal of Nonprofit and

Voluntary Sector Marketing, 2008, 13(3):251–261

(Special issue: Social marketing).

144

Prisons and health

If you answer one or more questions with “No”, you are recommended to look up those particular aspects with the

help of specialized literature or local experts in tobacco-related issues.

Prisoners

Smoke-free regulation

Is protection for prisoners against exposure to SHS discussed with the medical unit? Yes No

Is protection for prisoners against exposure to SHS discussed with their representatives? Yes No

Has a person been nominated to be in charge of protection against exposure to SHS or of

health promotion among the prisoners? Yes No

Are experts in protection against exposure to SHS involved, for example in a local network? Yes No

Are there smoke-free regulations? Yes No

Are the regulations endorsed? Yes No

Do non-smoking prisoners have systematic and straightforward access to smoke-free cells? Yes No

Are the work areas smoke-free? Yes No

Are the toilets smoke-free? Yes No

Are the indoor break rooms smoke-free? Yes No

Health education

Are the sources of information on tobacco use (consequences, cessation) known? Yes No

Is information on tobacco use (consequences, cessation) regularly and proactively distributed? Yes No

Are prisoners involved in the transmission of information to other prisoners? Yes No

Training

Are the staff (health, social or prison) trained in health education regarding tobacco use? Yes No

Are the health staff trained to support prisoners trying to reduce or stop their tobacco use? Yes No

Is the nominated person in charge of prisoners’ protection against exposure to SHS

trained in this issue? Yes No

Individual support to reduce or quit smoking

Is it easy for prisoners to get access to help in reducing or stopping tobacco smoking? Yes No

Are prisoners regularly approached to reduce or stop their tobacco smoking? Yes No

Staff

Smoke-free regulations

Is protection for staff against exposure to SHS discussed with the medical unit? Yes No

Is protection for staff against exposure to SHS discussed with their union or representatives? Yes No

Has a person been nominated to be in charge of protection against exposure to SHS or of

health promotion among the staff? Yes No

Are experts in protection against exposure to SHS involved, for example in a local network? Yes No

Are there smoke-free regulations? Yes No

Are the regulations endorsed? Yes No

Are staff protected against exposure to SHS outside the cells? Yes No

Is the purchase of tobacco impossible at work? Yes No

Are staff restricted to smoking in their breaks in designated areas outdoors? Yes No

Are staff restricted to smoking in their breaks? Yes No

Health education

Are the sources of information on tobacco use (consequences, cessation) known? Yes No

Is information on tobacco use (consequences, cessation) regularly and proactively distributed? Yes No

Training

Is the tobacco issue addressed in staff training? Yes No

Is the nominated person in charge of staff protection against exposure to SHS

trained in this issue? Yes No

Individual support to reduce or quit smoking

Is it easy for staff to get access to help in reducing or stopping tobacco smoking? Yes No

Are staff regularly approached to reduce or stop their tobacco smoking? Yes No

Fig. 6. Suggested checklist for reviewing exposure to SHS

145

Tobacco use in prison settings: a need for policy implementation

Surgeon General, 2010 (http://www.surgeon

general.gov/library/reports/tobaccosmoke/, accessed

4 December 2013).

30. Protection from exposure to second hand smoke. Policy

recommendations. Geneva, World Health Organization,

2007 (http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2007/

9789241563413_eng.pdf, accessed 4 December 2013).

31. WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.

Guidelines for implementation. Article 5.3; Article

8; Article 11; Article 13. Geneva, World Health

Organization, 2009 (http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/

2009/9789241598224_eng.pdf, accessed 4 December

2013).

32. Hammond SK, Emmons KM. Inmate exposure to

secondhand smoke in correctional facilities and the impact

of smoking restrictions. Journal of Exposure Analysis and

Environmental Epidemiology, 2005, 15(3):205–211.

33. Ritter C et al. Exposure to tobacco smoke before and

after a partial smoking ban in prison: indoor air quality

measures. Tobacco Control, 2012, 21(5):488–491.

34. WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.

Geneva, World Health Organization, 2003 (http://

whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2003/9241591013.pdf,

accessed 3 December 2013).

35. Reducing tobacco smoke exposure in prisons. Geneva,

Global Smokefree Partnership, 2009 (FCTC Article

8-plus Series) (http://www.globalsmokefree.com/

gsp/resources/ficheiros/1_SF_Prisons.pdf, accessed

4 December 2013).

36. Cropsey KL et al. Smoking characteristics of community

corrections clients. Nicotine & Tobacco Research,

2010, 12(1):53–58.

37. Hartwig C, Stover H, Weilandt C. Report on tobacco

smoking in prison: final report work package 7.

Brussels, Directorate General for Health and Consumer

Affairs, 2008 (DG SANCO/2006/C4/02).

38. Richmond R et al. Tobacco in prisons: a focus group

study. Tobacco Control, 2009, 18(3):176–182.

39. Awofeso N. Reducing smoking prevalence in Australian

prisons: a review of policy options. Applied Health

Economics and Health Policy, 2002, 1(4):211–218.

40. Kauffman RM et al. Tobacco use by male prisoners

under an indoor smoking ban. Nicotine & Tobacco

Research, 2011, 13(6):449–456.

41. Cropsey K et al. Smoking cessation interventions for

female prisoners: addressing an urgent public health

need. American Journal of Public Health, 2008, 98

(10):1894–1901.

42. Thibodeau L et al. Prerelease intent predicts smoking

behavior postrelease following a prison smoking ban.

Nicotine & Tobacco Research, 2010, 12(2):152–158.

43. Fazel S, Bains P, Doll H. Substance abuse and

dependence in prisoners: a systematic review.

Addiction, 2006, 101(2):181–191.

17. Rezza G et al. Prevalence of the use of old and new

drugs among new entrants in Italian prisons. Annali

dell’ Istituto Superiore di Sanita [Annals of the Institute

of Medicine], 2005, 41(2):239–245.

18. Eldridge GD, Cropsey KL. Smoking bans and

restrictions in U.S. prisons and jails: consequences for

incarcerated women. American Journal of Preventive

Medicine, 2009, 37(Suppl 2):S179–180.

19. Durrah TL. Correlates of daily smoking among female

arrestees in New York City and Los Angeles, 1997.

American Journal of Public Health, 2005, 95(10):1788–

1792.

20. Holmwood C, Marriott M, Humeniuk R. Substance use

patterns in newly admitted male and female South

Australian prisoners using the WHO-ASSIST (Alcohol,

Smoking and Substance Involvement Screening

Test). International Journal of Prisoner Health, 2008,

4(4):198–207.

21. Narkauskaite L et al. Prevalence of psychoactive

substances use in a Lithuanian women’s prison

revisited after 5 years. Medical Science Monitor, 2010,

16(11):PH91–96.

22. Plugge EH et al. Cardiovascular disease risk factors

and women prisoners in the UK: the impact of

imprisonment. Health Promotion International, 2009,

24(4):334–343.

23. Knight M, Plugge EH. Risk factors for adverse

perinatal outcomes in imprisoned pregnant women: a

systematic review. BMC Public Health, 2005, 5:111.

24. Cropsey KL, Linker JA, Waite DE. An analysis of racial

and sex differences for smoking among adolescents

in a juvenile correctional center. Drug and Alcohol

Dependence, 2008, 92(1–3):156–163.

25. Belcher JM et al. Smoking and its correlates in an

Australian prisoner population. Drug and Alcohol

Review, 2006, 25(4):343–348.

26. Guyon L et al. Interdiction de fumer en etablissement

de detention quebecois. Montreal/Quebec, Institut

national de sante publique du Quebec, 2010.

27. The health consequences of involuntary exposure

to tobacco smoke: a report of the Surgeon General.

Atlanta, GA, Centers for Disease Control and

Prevention, National Center for Chronic Disease

Prevention and Health Promotion, Office on Smoking

and Health, 2006 (http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/

library/secondhandsmoke/report/executivesummary.

pdf, accessed 4 December 2013).

28. Proescholdbell SK et al. Indoor air quality in prisons

before and after implementation of a smoking ban

law. Tobacco Control, 2008, 17(2):123–127.

29. How tobacco smoke causes disease: the biology and

behavioral basis for smoking-attributable disease.

A Report of the Surgeon General [web site]. Rockville,

MD, U.S. Department of Health & Human Services,

146

Prisons and health

44. Hofstetter V, Rohner A, Muller-Isbener R. Die Umsetzung

eines Rauchverbots im Masregelvollzug. SUCHT –

Zeitschrift fur Wissenschaft und Praxis, 2010:423–427.

45. Long CG, Jones K. Issues in running smoking cessation

groups with forensic psychiatric inpatients: results of

a pilot study and lessons learnt. The British Journal of

Forensic Practice, 2005, 7(2):22–28.

46. Sykes GM. The society of captives: a study of a

maximum security prison. Princeton, NJ, Princeton

University Press, 1958.

47. Liebling A. Doing research in prison: breaking the

silence? Theoretical Criminology, 1999, 3(2):47–173.

48. de Viggiani N. Unhealthy prisons: exploring structural

determinants of prison health. Sociology of Health &

Illness, 2007, 29(1):115–135.

49. Richmond RL et al. Promoting smoking cessation

among prisoners: feasibility of a multi-component

intervention. Australian and New Zealand Journal of

Public Health, 2006, 30(5):474–478.

50. Lawrence S, Welfare H. The effects of the introduction

of the no-smoking policy at HMYOI Warren Hill on

bullying behaviour. International Journal of Prisoner

Health, 2008, 4(3):134–145.

51. MacAskill S, Hayton P. Stop smoking support in HM

prisons: the impact of nicotine replacement therapy.

Executive summary and best practice checklist.

Stirling, Institute for Social Marketing, University of

Stirling and The Open University, 2006.

52. Brooker C et al. A health needs assessment of

offenders on probation caseloads in Nottinghamshire

& Derbyshire: report of a pilot study. Lincoln, CCAWI

University of Lincoln, 2008 (http://www.nacro.org.

uk/data/files/nacro-2008071500-176.pdf, accessed

4 December 2013).

53. Knox B, Black C, Hislop E. Smoking cessation in HMP

Bowhouse, Kilmarnock: final project report. Ayr, NHS

Ayrshire & Arran, 2006 (http://www.ashscotland.org.uk/

ash/files/AA%20HMP%20Bowhouse%20FINAL%20

REPORT%20221107CB.pdf, accessed 4 December

2013).

54. Bromley Briefings Prison Factfile. London, Prison Reform

Trust, 2011 (http://www.prisonreformtrust.org.

uk/Portals/0/Documents/Bromley%20Briefing%20

December%202011.pdf, accessed 4 December 2013).

55. Clark C, Dugdale G. Literacy changes lives. The role

of literacy in offending behaviour. London, National

Literacy Trust, 2008 (http://www.literacytrust.org.uk/

assets/0000/0422/Literacy_changes_lives__prisons.

pdf, accessed 4 December 2013).

56. Literature review: smoking and mental illness, other

drug and alcohol addictions and prisons. Sydney,

Cancer Institute NSW, 2008.

57. Condon L, Hek G, Harris F. Choosing health in prison:

prisoners’ views on making healthy choices in English

prisons. Health Education Journal, 2008, 67(3):155–

166.

58. Douglas N, Plugge EH. A health needs assessment for

women in young offender institutions. London, Youth

Justice Board for England and Wales, 2006.

59. McKibben MA. Implementation of smoke free prison

service instruction: survey of prisons in the South West

Region. Final results. Bristol, Department of Health

South West Regional Public Health Group, 2007 (http://

www.docstoc.com/docs/59333832/SW-Prisons-and-

Implementation-of-Smokefree-PSI---Implementationof,

accessed 17 February 2014).

60. Carpenter MJ et al. Smoking in correctional facilities:

a survey of employees. Tobacco Control, 2001,

10(1):38–42.

61. Foley KL et al. Implementation and enforcement

of tobacco bans in two prisons in North Carolina: a

qualitative inquiry. Journal of Correctional Health

Care, 2010, 16(2):98–105.

62. Butler T, Stevens C. National summit on tobacco

smoking in prisons. Perth, Western Australia, National

Drug Research Institute (Curtin University), 2010 (http://

ndri.curtin.edu.au/local/docs/pdf/publications/R247.

pdf, accessed 4 December 2013).

63. Ritter C et al. Smoking in prisons: the need for effective

and acceptable interventions. Journal of Public Health

Policy, 2011, 32(1):32–45.

64. Ritter C. Tobacco use and control in detention facilities

– a literature review. In: Jacob J, Stover H, ed. Health

promotion in prisons, Vol. 22. Oldenburg, Bis-Verlag,

2012.

65. Smoke Free Legislation. Prison Service instruction.

London, HM Prison Service, 2007 (http://www.justice.

gov.uk/offenders/psis/2007, accessed 14 February 2014).

66. Stover H, Ritter C, Buth S. Tabakpravention im

Gefangnis. Berlin, Ministry of Health, 2012 (http://

www.drogenbeauftragte.de/fileadmin/dateien-dba/

DrogenundSucht/Tabak/Downloads/I.Kurzbericht_

Tabakpraevention_in_Gefaengnissen_150612.pdfm,

accessed 14 February 2014).

67. Improving health, supporting justice. London,

Department of Health, 2009.

68. Healthy lives, healthy people: a tobacco control plan

for England. London, Department of Health, 2011.

69. Health Promoting Prisons: a shared approach. London,

Department of Health, 2002.

70. The future organisation of prison health care. London,

Joint Prison Service and National Health Service

Executive Working Group, 1999.

71. UK Centre for Tobacco Control Studies [web site].

Nottingham, University of Nottingham, 2013 (www.

ukctcs.org, accessed 3 December 2013).

72. Research [web site]. Preston, University of Central

Lancashire, 2013 (http://www.uclan.ac.uk/schools/

147

Tobacco use in prison settings: a need for policy implementation

school_of_health/research_projects/hsu/files/cjs_

litreview.pdf, accessed 8 December 2013).

73. Prison Service Order 3200, Health Promotion [web

site]. London HM Prison Service, 2003 (PSO_3200_

health_promotion, accessed 4 December 2013).

74. Breitkopf H, Stollmann F. Nichtraucherschutzrecht

(2. Auflage ed.). Wiesbaden, Kommunal- und Schul-

Verlag, 2010.

75. Tobacco Free Initiative [web site]. Geneva, World

Health Organization, 2013 (http://www.who.int/

tobacco/en/, accessed 4 December 2013).

76. Rauchfrei am Arbeitsplatz. Informationen fur

rauchende und nichtrauchende Arbeitnehmer.

Cologne, Federal Centre for Health Education, 2008

(https://www.dkfz.de/de/rauchertelefon/download/

BZgA_rauchfrei_am_Arbeitsplatz.pdf, accessed

14 February 2014).

77. Rauchfrei am Arbeitsplatz. Ein Leitfaden fur Betriebe.

Cologne, Federal Centre for Health Education, 2008

(https://www.dkfz.de/de/rauchertelefon/download/BZ

gA_rauchfrei_am_Arbeitsplatz_Manual.pdf, accessed

14 February 2014).

Further reading

Acquitted – Best practice guidance for developing smoking

cessation services in prisons. London, Department of

Health and HM Prison Service, 2007 (http://www.dh.gov.

uk/en/Publicationsandstatistics/Publications/Publi cations

PolicyAndGuidance/DH_4005383, accessed 4 December

2013).

148

Prisons and health

149

The essentials: why prison health deserves priority in the interests of public health,

the duty of care, human rights and social justice

Vulnerable groups

150

Prisons and health

151

17. Prisoners with special needs

Alex Gatherer, Tomris Atabay, Fabienne Hariga

Key points

• All prisoners are potentially vulnerable people, with

individual health and care needs requiring proper

assessment and management.

• Prison populations in many parts of Europe are

becoming increasingly complex with regard to special

needs.

• Overcrowding has a negative impact on the physical

and mental health of prisoners, and particularly on

the health of prisoners with special needs, posing

additional challenges to prison authorities.

• Two major requirements in dealing with prisoners

with special needs are: (i) a skilled assessment as part

of the admissions procedure; and (ii) a suitable staff

recruitment and training policy so that the staff who

work in prisons are enabled to respond appropriately

and effectively to special needs.

• An individualized approach is essential.

• Needs are not static, so re-assessments are necessary

throughout the whole term of imprisonment. New

needs emerge, such as those relating to the rising

number of older prisoners in prison.

• It is not possible in prisons to deal satisfactorily

with people with severe special needs that require

facilities and skilled attention which are only available

in specialist institutions.

• Admission of severely ill or disabled people to prison

should be avoided and only used as a last resort.

• Diversion schemes and other alternatives to

imprisonment should be used more widely and

consistently than at present.

This chapter concerns prisoners with specific needs

associated with their disability, minority status, nationality,

sexual orientation and age. Prisoners with mental health

care needs (another large group with special needs) are

covered extensively in Chapter 11, and a more detailed

discussion of the health care needs of older prisoners is

included in Chapter 19.

The starting point in the discussion of prisoners with

special needs today must be the recognition of the

growing complexity of prison populations. Nearly all

prisoners may have special needs, all are vulnerable to

a greater or lesser extent and the vast majority come

from difficult and deprived backgrounds, with personal

histories which can considerably influence the care and

treatment they require. Thus it is essential to give priority

to the reception process, the early days in prison and the

health and other relevant assessments.

Many prisoners have needs that require special

consideration. Women, young people and prisoners with

mental health care needs are important examples. This

chapter looks at prisoners who have special needs due

to their disability or age, or because of their ethnicity,

indigenous or minority status, nationality or sexual

orientation, which present diverse and challenging needs.

For those whose health care requirements are most

difficult to meet within a prison, the correct approach is

early appreciation of their needs and a diversion scheme

to admit them to places equipped to provide them with

appropriate care. This has become increasingly wellrecognized

for those with severe mental ill health or

advanced illnesses where it is not possible to provide

the level of expertise and care necessary within the

restrictions of a prison service. However, diversion

schemes remain underdeveloped in many parts of Europe,

which increases the pressures on criminal justice systems

to meet the requirements of those with considerable

needs who have to remain in prison.

International standards

This chapter is mainly based on the UNODC Handbook on

prisoners with special needs (1), which goes into greater

detail and includes important information about the

definitions of the conditions and groups being considered,

the background and size of the problem, the relevant

international standards and examples of good practice.

Some relevant provisions from two of the key international

treaties which are relevant to all of the groups covered in

this chapter, including their health and care requirements,

are quoted below. These instruments, and other standards

relevant to specific groups, prohibit any discrimination in

ensuring that everyone, including prisoners with diverse

backgrounds and needs, enjoys the right to the highest

attainable standard of physical and mental health:

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

Article 26

All persons are equal before the law and are entitled

without any discrimination to the equal protection of the

law. In this respect, the law shall prohibit any discrimination

and guarantee to all persons equal and effective protection

152

Prisons and health

against discrimination on any ground such as race, colour,

sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or

social origin, property, birth or other status. (2)

International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural

Rights

Article 12 (1)

The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the

right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable

standard of physical and mental health. (3)

General principles of care

Prison systems are required to protect the physical

and mental health and well-being of prisoners. This

challenging task, within often old and overcrowded

institutions, can only be tackled in accordance with

the general principles of care stressed throughout this

guide. These include: respect for the individuality of

each prisoner; the importance of a holistic approach; the

essential need for basic care such as adequate nutrition,

exercise and constructive use of time; maintenance of

contacts with family and friends; and a basis of hope for

the future.

Treatment in prisons

The medical examination on entry into prison should

reveal whether a prisoner has special needs. If this

is the case, a fuller assessment is necessary so that a

diagnosis and plan of treatment can be prepared. Even

in countries with good resources and with an established

national health service, it is unlikely that the prisoner will

be carrying a health notice drawing attention to a health

condition or allergy, but these should be investigated

and their presence or absence noted. If the prisoner is

a non-national, and has brought medicines from his or

her country of origin, these should be discussed with

the prison’s pharmacist or brought to the attention of a

medical member of the prison health team so that local

equivalents can be obtained in good time.

The treatment to be provided should be confirmed in

writing by the health team and should clearly indicate

the quantity and frequency of treatment. The quality of

the treatment is generally measured as equivalent to

that provided for citizens in the local community. It is not

possible to meet every special demand as some may be

unrealistic or unreasonable. All requests should, however,

be carefully considered and where they are impossible to

meet, a record should be made of what was asked for

with an explanation as to why the request could not be

met. The standard of treatment must be enough to meet

the requirements of the illness and must comply with

established medical opinion.

A suitable prison or place of detention

Prison authorities are obliged to recognize that prisoners

with special needs should be admitted to prisons capable

of handling the needs and providing the necessary care.

This can create problems for prison staff who have no say

in who is sent to the prison and often have little warning

as to the special needs involved. It is essential, therefore,

that the whole criminal justice system should be alert

to plans for dealing with prisoners with special needs.

Where there is serious mental illness, there should be a

possibility of diversion at an early stage of the criminal

justice process to a place with the specialist psychiatric

facilities necessary for the treatment of that prisoner.

Responding to the needs of prisoners with severe physical

disabilities or with more than one serious health or other

problem can be very challenging. While it is not possible

to plan for every rare condition, a whole criminal justice

system plan for the more common conditions with advice

on what to do in emergency situations is becoming an

essential part of a well-managed prison health care

system.

A proper manner of detention

With reference to a proper manner of detention, the

European Court of Human Rights issued a judgment in the

case of Feher v. Hungary (2013) which is applicable to all

prisoners, including those with special needs. The Court

stressed that States must ensure that “the manner and

method of the execution of the measure do not subject the

individual to distress or hardship of an intensity exceeding

the unavoidable level of suffering inherent in detention”

(4). The proper manner of detention will depend on the

training of all staff working in prisons and on the ethos

of the prison as developed by the senior management

team. It also requires the embedding of knowledge and

attitudes which will be conducive to meeting the above

requirements as regards all prisoners with special needs.

The importance of staff training has led to the inclusion

of a chapter on the subject in this guide. The additional

requirement for meeting special needs is to conduct

joint training and multidisciplinary training in the training

programme, in order to improve the capacity of the staff

to respond to the sometimes complex needs of individuals

with special needs in the most holistic and effective way.

Some important messages

The difficulties encountered by policy-makers, courts

and prison authorities when trying to meet the needs

of offenders with special needs encourage an approach

which looks carefully at the following points. First,

prisons must meet the needs of the clear majority of

prisoners, who are relatively young and relatively lacking

in handicapping conditions. Second, imprisonment

should as a general principle be considered as a last

153

Prisoners with special needs

resort. This is particularly important in the case of older

or severely handicapped people: alternatives to prisons

and community sentences need serious consideration and

are often the best way to ensure the most humane and

acceptable way to carry out the decisions of the courts.

Third, when assessing the suitability of the necessary

treatment in a suitable place and in the desired manner,

it should be remembered that prisons inevitably magnify

the individual’s problems. Fourth, regular monitoring and

reassessment is necessary as illnesses can become more

serious and disabilities more complicated over time. Fifth,

most prisoners with special needs have more than one

serious condition and several challenging needs, which

need to be assessed and treated in a holistic manner.

Finally, while prison staff are becoming more professional

and their training and continuing training will probably

increase, many prison systems find it difficult to recruit

suitable people willing to work in prisons, especially as

their status and remuneration are limited. In providing

quite complicated treatment regimes, and in the need

to have knowledge and understanding of the wide range

of problems involved, the quality of staff must be a key

priority and they must receive considerable skilled support

before prisoners with special needs can be satisfactorily

catered for in most prison systems.

Prisoners with physical disabilities

An increasing number of prisoners have physical

disabilities, in part due to the ageing of prison populations.

The adoption of the United Nations Convention on the

Rights of Persons with Disabilities (5), which entered into

force in May 2008, has introduced clear obligations to

prison authorities and health care services in relation to

the treatment and care of prisoners with disabilities. In

particular, Article 25 of the Convention covers the health

care rights of persons with disabilities, as follows:

States Parties recognize that persons with disabilities

have the right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable

standard of health without discrimination on the basis of

disability. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures

to ensure access for persons with disabilities to health

services that are gender sensitive, including health-related

rehabilitation. In particular, States Parties shall: (a) Provide

persons with disabilities with the same range, quality and

standard of free or affordable health care and programmes

as provided to other persons, including in the area of sexual

and reproductive health and population-based public health

programmes; …

Recommendation No. R (98) 7 of the Council of Europe

Committee of Ministers (Concerning the Ethical and

Organizational Aspects of Health Care in Prisons),

paragraph 50, provides important guidance on the

accommodation of prisoners with disabilities and older

prisoners (6):

Prisoners with serious physical handicaps and those of

advanced age should be accommodated in such a way as

to allow as normal a life as possible and should not be

segregated from the general prison population. Structural

alterations should be effected to assist the wheelchairbound

and handicapped on lines similar to those in the

outside environment.

See the Handbook on prisoners with special needs (1)

for other relevant provisions and additional international

standards of relevance.

Health issues

Prisoners with physical disabilities require access to some

services which may not be available in every prison, such

as physiotherapy, occupational therapy, and regular dental,

sight and hearing tests and aids. Close cooperation with

community health care services is essential to ensure that

such services are offered to prisoners according to their

needs. The particular health problems which can arise

in the case of, for example, prisoners in wheelchairs or

with limited mobility, include pressure sores which must

be detected early, suitably treated and deterioration

prevented.

Some prisoners with disabilities, especially those with

sensory disabilities, are at risk of developing mental

health care needs, as the isolation experienced by such

individuals may be intensified in the prison environment.

Taking into account the problems with communication

faced by prisoners with sensory disabilities, assistance

should be provided to ensure that they have equal access

to counselling programmes.

A suitable prison

Careful assessment will be necessary to check that people

with physical disabilities can cope with the arrangements

of the prison, such as stairways, beds, access to toilets and

bathing facilities, and access to prison programmes and

leisure rooms. As recommended by the Council of Europe

(see above), structural adjustments may need to be made

to accommodate the needs of prisoners with physical

disabilities. For example, handrails can be provided in

their cells, bright colours may be used for steps to make

them visible for those with visual disabilities, and ramps

can be introduced to facilitate the access of those using

wheelchairs.

A proper manner of detention

Those with disabilities are highly vulnerable to humiliation

and violence. Plans to tackle such stigma, discrimination

154

Prisons and health

and bullying must be part of the prison coping mechanism

for such prisoners, reflected in prison staff training.

Ethnic minorities and indigenous peoples

In many countries, ethnic minorities and indigenous

peoples are overrepresented in prisons. This is important

to remember in assessing the treatment and care plans

for these groups in prison. Why this occurs could be a

useful topic for discussion among staff as part of their

continuing training. It is important that there should be

no discrimination in the treatment of members of these

groups, including in responding to their health care needs

which, in practice, requires some additional considerations

to be taken in to account.

The International Convention on the Elimination of All

Forms of Racial Discrimination, General recommendation

XXXI on the prevention of racial discrimination in the

administration and functioning of the criminal justice

system, Article 38, states the following (7):

38. When persons belonging to the groups referred to in the

last paragraph of the preamble are serving prison terms, the

States parties should:

(a) Guarantee such persons the enjoyment of all the rights to

which prisoners are entitled under the relevant international

norms, in particular rights specially adapted to their

situation: the right to respect for their religious and cultural

practices, the right to respect for their customs as regards

food, the right to relations with their families, the right to

the assistance of an interpreter, the right to basic welfare

benefits and, where appropriate, the right to consular

assistance. The medical, psychological or social services

offered to prisoners should take their cultural background

into account; …

A full outline of the definitions differentiating these

groups can be found in the Handbook on prisoners with

special needs (1).

Health issues

An understanding of the needs of ethnic minorities and

indigenous peoples will involve some awareness of the

differences in traditions, religion and language. Some

members of these groups may not speak the language

most commonly spoken in the prison. It is essential that

interpretation services are provided during their medical

examinations and consultations and that written and

visual information on health care be available in the

languages of minority groups most commonly represented

in prisons. The relationships of these groups with health

teams can be complicated by the discrimination they have

experienced, or feel they have experienced, as well as the

physical and verbal abuse they may have been subjected

to. Voluntary agencies who work on issues related to the

needs of these groups can be of assistance.

Members of these groups may have special health

care needs as a result of their socioeconomic

marginalization in many societies. They are generally

likely to have received inadequate medical care prior to

imprisonment, and they may be at a higher risk of some

conditions, such as STIs and health problems relating

to substance abuse. There should be no differences

in medical or nursing care otherwise, but respect and

trust between them and the health teams have to be

deliberately strengthened.

A suitable prison

The location (distance from place of origin) of the prison

may have an impact on the mental well-being of members

of some indigenous groups, as the family is central in

some indigenous societies and critical to the well-being of

the individuals. The breaking of family and community ties

can have a particularly harmful effect on the mental health

of members of indigenous groups, especially women.

A proper manner of detention

The proper manner of detention is key in meeting the

needs of ethnic minorities and indigenous peoples. The

attitudes of the staff and their understanding of diversity

must be part of their continuing training. In addition, the

assessment and allocation of these prisoners should

aim to ensure that they are not accommodated with

any other prisoners who may pose a risk to their safety,

such as prisoners who are known to have racial or ethnic

prejudices or backgrounds involving violence against

minority groups.

Foreign prisoners

In recent times, there has been a marked increase in

the number of foreign nationals in prisons in western

Europe. Prison services are, therefore, likely to have

policies and plans in place to meet their general

needs. In its Recommendation No. R (84) 12 concerning

foreign prisoners of 1984, the Council of Europe made

specific recommendations on the treatment of foreign

prisoners, requiring (among other things) that, as far as

possible, authorities take measures to counterbalance

disadvantages faced by this group of prisoners (8).

This requirement applies to health care needs, which

may sometimes differ from those of the national prison

population:

13. Foreign prisoners, who in practice do not enjoy all the

facilities accorded to nationals and whose conditions of

detention are generally more difficult, should be treated

155

Prisoners with special needs

in such a manner as to counterbalance, so far as may be

possible, these disadvantages.

Health issues

The most serious challenge for foreign prisoners is

communication. It is essential that prison services

make every effort to provide interpretation during

medical examinations (as necessary), to prevent

misunderstandings and health complications. This is also

important to reassure foreign nationals, who do not speak

the language of the country in which they are imprisoned,

that their needs are being taken seriously. Nevertheless,

the possibility of misunderstanding has to be remembered

and follow-up of discussions with the health team may

be necessary. Assessments should take into account the

possible presence of a tropical disease or one that is

endemic in the country of origin but rare in the country

of imprisonment. Specialist help in diagnosis and the

drawing up of treatment plans may be necessary.

It is more important than ever that information, health

information, health promotion and harm reduction

materials (leaflets, audiovisual materials) should be made

available in different languages and using vocabulary

adapted to the level of education of the prison population.

A suitable prison

Being imprisoned in a foreign country can complicate the

maintenance of family contacts or planning for discharge.

While it is not easy to see a remedy, the prison authorities

could try to compensate by allowing foreign prisoners to

make more telephone calls home and at more flexible times,

facilitating contact by technical aids such as skype where

feasible, and allowing longer than usual visits for family

members travelling from abroad. A transfer of the prisoner

to his or her country, if not a resident in the country of

imprisonment, should be discussed with the prisoner at an

early stage and transfer procedures started if he or she wishes

such a transfer. Countries may have bilateral agreements to

exchange or repatriate detainees, and such arrangements

should be fully deployed on health grounds when necessary.

A proper manner of detention

Most prison staff are likely to share their native country’s

attitudes and prejudices, so it is a further challenge for

them to understand and accept the diverse backgrounds

of people in the prison. Yet all prisoners, without

discrimination, must be treated in the same way by all

those working in the prison. Prison policies which do

not tolerate any kind of discrimination together with the

training and continuing training of staff are crucial in this

regard. Once again, the assessment and allocation of

foreign prisoners should aim to ensure that they are not

accommodated with prisoners who may represent a risk

to their safety due, for example, to nationalistic views and

violence based on such views.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender

prisoners

Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) prisoners

comprise a particularly vulnerable group, due to the

heightened risk of discrimination and abuse in the closed

environment. In comparison to other groups covered in

this chapter, this group has the further complication that

in some countries, sex relationships between consenting

same sex adults are criminalized under various morality or

other laws. It is, therefore, of great importance that there

are top-level policies on how to deal with this particularly

vulnerable group in prisons.

The relevant international standards relating to the

treatment of LGBT persons in prisons are summarized

in the Yogyakarta Principles on the Application of

International Human Rights Law in relation to Sexual

Orientation and Gender Identity, principle 9: the right to

treatment with humanity while in detention (9),14 extracts

from which are provided below:

STATES SHALL:

A. Ensure that placement in detention avoids further

marginalising persons on the basis of sexual orientation or

gender identity or subjecting them to risk of violence, illtreatment

or physical, mental or sexual abuse;

B. Provide adequate access to medical care and counselling

appropriate to the needs of those in custody, recognising

any particular needs of persons on the basis of their sexual

orientation or gender identity, including with regard to

reproductive health, access to HIV/AIDS information and

therapy and access to hormonal or other therapy as well as

to gender-reassignment treatments where desired; …

See the Handbook on prisoners with special needs (1)

for the definitions of each group and other important

information.

Health issues

The major difference in terms of health needs for this

group concerns the possibility of STIs, since often they will

14 In 2006, a set of international legal principles on the application of international law to human rights violations based on sexual orientation and gender identity was

developed by the International Commission of Jurists and the International Service for Human Rights, on behalf of a coalition of human rights organizations, in order to bring

greater clarity and coherence to states’ human rights obligations. Following an experts’ meeting held in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, from 6 to 9 November 2006, experts from

25 countries unanimously adopted the Yogyakarta Principles on the Application of International Human Rights Law in relation to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity

(The Yogyakarta Principles).

156

Prisons and health

have engaged, or been forced to be engaged, in a lifestyle

that includes risky behaviour. With LGBT prisoners being

at high risk of rape, they are also at high risk of acquiring

HIV/AIDS in prisons. The health team will advise on

detection and assessment as well as on therapeutic

regimes. Transgender prisoners having undergone surgery

might need specific attention and specialized care.

Prisoners with gender dysphoria should be provided with

treatment available in the community, such as hormone

therapy, as well as psychological support if required.

LGBT prisoners may also be in need of counselling for

mental health needs associated with victimization.

There should be close collaboration with community-based

organizations working on LGBT issues and specialized

health care services to ensure that additional specialist

help from outside the prison, including professional staff

with added experience and skills in this field, is available

to assist with the health care of these prisoners so as

to meet the possible requirements mentioned above

effectively.

A suitable prison

The vulnerability of these prisoners, especially to

violence (including sexual violence), has to be carefully

assessed in terms of allocation of prisoners within the

prison. While this is essentially a matter for the prison

management, the health team should make it clear that

safety is essential to protect their mental health and

physical integrity and that protection and support are

important requirements, if treatment of any illness is to

be effectively provided.

A proper manner of detention

As indicated above, staff will need the guidance

of national policies and the leadership of senior

management in providing a proper manner of detention.

The prisoners themselves will not usually report

victimization, aggression and humiliation as they are

too well aware of retaliation. An essential principle of

classification and allocation should be to house LGBT

prisoners in whichever environment will best ensure

their safety, while endeavouring to avoid segregation

or isolation to the maximum possible extent unless the

prisoners themselves request it. In the allocation of such

prisoners, their wishes and concerns should be taken

into account as far as possible, especially in the cases

of transgender prisoners. When transgender prisoners

are accommodated according to their birth gender,

especially when male-to-female transgender prisoners

are placed with men, this can pave the way to sexual

abuse and rape.

Older prisoners

In many countries, older prisoners form a growing

proportion of the prison population. The dividing line is

often taken to be 50, 55 or 60 years because of the belief

that vulnerable populations tend to have accelerated

ageing by about 10 years. While there are no specific

standards which apply exclusively to older prisoners,

Council of Europe Recommendation No. R (98) 7 (6)

referred to above includes some provisions which apply to

older prisoners. Articles 13 and 14 of the United Nations

Principles for Older Persons cover the needs of all older

individuals, including prisoners (10):

13. Older persons should be able to utilize appropriate levels

of institutional care providing protection, rehabilitation

and social and mental stimulation in a humane and secure

environment.

14. Older persons should be able to enjoy human rights and

fundamental freedoms when residing in any shelter, care

or treatment facility, including full respect for their dignity,

beliefs, needs and privacy and for the right to make decisions

about their care and the quality of their lives.

See also Chapter 19 of this guide.

Health issues

Prisoners sentenced when they are older may receive

different treatment from that for prisoners who age

in prison. In the former case, there may well be a

considerable medical history to check on admission, and

many may be on long-term preventive medication such

as aspirin or cholesterol-reducing medicines. As prisons

are obligated to protect the physical and mental health of

the prisoners, the principle of continuum of care should

be applied and the treatment provided outside prison

continued, while also taking into account any findings

of the health assessment carried out on admission. The

impact of unhealthy life styles and inadequate medical

attention in the years leading up to imprisonment should

be borne in mind. Older prisoners may typically suffer

from chronic and multiple health problems, including

heart and lung problems, diabetes, hypertension, cancer,

Alzheimer’s disease, Parkinson’s disease, ulcers, poor

hearing and eyesight, memory loss and a range of physical

disabilities including dental problems and related

mastication difficulties. Alcohol abuse has also been

identified as a widespread problem among this group. In

addition, depression and fear of dying, and particularly

dying in prison, affect the mental well-being of older

prisoners. As a result, older prisoners are likely to require

a number of health care services, including medical,

nutritional and psychological treatment. Thus, the health

care of older prisoners necessitates the engagement of

157

Prisoners with special needs

a multidisciplinary team of specialist staff, including a

medical specialist, nurse and psychologist as a minimum.

Prison authorities need to establish close cooperation

with community health services to ensure that specialist

care is provided by outside medical services, as necessary.

It is advisable for the admissions procedure to include a

screening tool to establish any physical difficulties (such

as impaired hearing and vision and decreased mobility)

experienced by the prisoner so that adequate medical

care and assistance can be provided.

Prison authorities should ensure that special dietary needs

are catered for to maintain the health of older prisoners

and to prevent serious health complications.

A suitable prison

In most countries there is as yet no upper age limit as

regards imprisonment, but the physical demands need

to be considered against the probable development

of incapacity in older prisoners. As with a number

of the groups covered in this chapter, alternatives to

imprisonment should be considered wherever possible,

taking into account the probable harmful impact of

imprisonment on older prisoners and the costs associated

with catering for their multiple health care needs.

As older prisoners are also likely to include a high

proportion of prisoners with physical disabilities, structural

alterations may need to be made to their accommodation

to facilitate their mobility in the prison and protect them

from accidents.

A proper manner of detention

Council of Europe Recommendation No. R (98) 7

recommends that prisoners “of advanced age should be

accommodated in such a way as to allow as normal a life

as possible and should not be segregated from the general

prison population” (6). The determination of suitable

accommodation should be based on a careful assessment

of individual needs. In general, allowing older prisoners

to live with the general prison population is important to

protect them from isolation and to ensure their access to

all the programmes and activities offered in the prison. At

the same time, account needs to be taken of their special

accommodation requirements referred to above.

The day-to-day difficulties which may be faced by older

prisoners are likely to be readily understandable to staff as

most societies now have a proportion of elderly people in

their midst. Such prisoners could well also deteriorate more

rapidly in prison, both physically and mentally, with loss of

hearing or problems with memory or eyesight. Issues of this

kind should be revealed through regular monitoring.

References

1. Handbook on prisoners with special needs. Vienna,

United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, 2009

(Criminal justice handbook series) (http://www.unodc.

org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Prisonerswith-

special-needs.pdf, accessed 6 December 2013).

2. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and

accession by General Assembly resolution 2200A (XXI)

of 16 December 1966 entry into force 23 March 1976,

in accordance with Article 49. Geneva, Office of the

United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,

2013 (http://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/

pages/ccpr.aspx, accessed 6 December 2013).

3. International Covenant on Economic, Social and

Cultural Rights. Adopted and opened for signature,

ratification and accession by General Assembly

resolution 2200A (XXI) of 16 December 1966 entry

into force 3 January 1976, in accordance with

article 27. Geneva, Office of the United Nations High

Commissioner for Human Rights, 2013 (http://www.

ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CESCR.aspx,

accessed 6 December 2013).

4. Feher v Hungary (application No. 69095/10). Strasbourg,

European Court of Human Rights, 2013 (http://hudoc.

echr.coe.int/sites/eng/pages/search.aspx?i=001-121

957#{“itemid”:[“001-121957”]}, accessed 6 December

2013).

5. International Convention on the Rights of Persons

with Disabilities. New York, NY, United Nations, 2006

(http://www.un.org/disabilities/convention/conven

tionfull.shtml, accessed 6 December 2013.)

6. Recommendation No. R (98) 7 of the Committee

of Ministers to member states concerning the

ethical and organisational aspects of health care in

prison. Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 1998 (http://

legislationline.org/documents/action/popup/id/8069,

accessed 7 November 2013).

7. CERD General recommendation XXXI on the prevention

of racial discrimination in the administration and

functioning of the criminal justice system. Geneva,

Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for

Human Rights, 2013 (A/60/18:98–108) (http://www2.

ohchr.org/english/bodies/cerd/docs/GC31Rev_En.pdf,

accessed 6 December 2013).

8. Council of Europe, Committee of Ministers,

Recommendation No. R (84) 12 concerning

foreign prisoners. Adopted by the Committee of

Ministers on 21 June 1984 at the 374th meeting

of the Ministers’ Deputies. Strasbourg, Council of

Europe, 1984 (https://wcd.coe.int/com.instranet.

InstraServlet?command=com.instranet.CmdBlobGet&

InstranetImage=603781&SecMode=1&DocId=682798

&Usage=2, accessed 6 December 2013).

158

Prisons and health

9. The Yogyakarta Principles on the Application of

International Human Rights Law in relation to Sexual

Orientation and Gender Identity. New York, NY, United

Nations, 2009 (http://www.yogyakartaprinciples.org/

principles_en.pdf, accessed 6 December 2013).

10. United Nations Principles for Older Persons. Adopted

by General Assembly resolution 46/91 of 16 December

1991. Geneva, Office of the United Nations High

Commissioner for Human Rights, 2013 (A/RES/46/91)

(http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/

OlderPersons.aspx, accessed 6 December 2013).

159

18. Women’s health and the prison setting

Brenda van den Bergh, Emma Plugge, Isabel Yordi Aguirre

Key points

• Female prisoners are a minority within prison

populations worldwide, usually accounting for between

2% and 9% of the prison population in a country.

• The majority of offences for which women are

imprisoned are non-violent and property- or drugrelated.

Female prisoners mainly serve short

sentences.

• Many women in prison are mothers and usually the

primary or sole caregivers for their children.

• Female prisoners have complex health needs,

particularly with regard to their physical and mental

health. High rates of post-traumatic stress disorders

are reported.

• Women in prison have mental health problems to

a higher degree than both the general population

and male prisoners. There is a close link between

a woman’s criminal pathway and her mental and

physical illness.

• Drugs often hold a key to a woman’s offending. A high

percentage of women in prison suffer from a drug

problem and problematic drug use rates are often

higher among female than among male prisoners.

• Women are at greater risk than men of entering prison

with HIV, hepatitis C, reproductive health needs and

STIs such as chlamydia infection, gonorrhoea and

syphilis.

• Three times as many women as men report that they

have experienced violence, either physical or sexual,

before their imprisonment.

• Health service provision in prisons needs to recognize

women’s sex and gender-specific health care needs,

and should be personalized and delivered in a holistic

and humane manner.

• Gender-sensitive training and training on the specific

health needs of women in prison should be widely

available in all prison systems.

Introduction

Women in prison constitute a special group within the

prison population, first and foremost because of their

sex and gender inequalities. They constitute a small

proportion of prison populations worldwide, usually

between 2% and 9% of the prison population. Only 12

prison systems worldwide report a percentage higher

than 9% (1). Although women are a minority group within

total prison populations, the number of women in prison

is nevertheless increasing and the rate of the increase is

often greater than that for men. For instance, in the United

Kingdom (England and Wales), the number of women in

prison increased by more than 200% over the period

1996–2006 versus a 50% increase in the number of men

in prison during the same period (2). Some of the increase

can be explained by the global displacement of women

due to war, social unrest, economic crisis and genderinsensitive

criminal justice systems.

Women in prison often come from deprived backgrounds,

and many of them have experienced physical or sexual

abuse, alcohol or drug dependence and inadequate health

care before imprisonment (3). Offences for which women

are imprisoned are mainly non-violent and property- or

drug-related. This means that imprisoned women often

serve a short sentence, resulting in a high turnover rate in

women’s prisons (4). Because in most countries there are

only a few women’s prisons, women convicted of a wide

range of offences are frequently housed together, which

implies that the overall regime is determined by the highsecurity

requirements of a very few high-risk prisoners (5).

As a result of the lifestyles many women have had before

entering the prison system, their time in prison might be the

first time in their lives that they have had access to health

care, social support and counselling. The prison service

should pay careful attention to women’s special needs,

including specific health care needs, and guarantee a gendersensitive

system of care while recognizing the opportunity

for empowerment and supporting healthy choices.

This chapter discusses the health issues facing women in

prisons, specifically:

• violence and abuse

• substance use

• mental health issues

• infectious diseases

• reproductive health

• dental health.

Special attention is given to children of imprisoned women,

and the end of the chapter focuses on the organization

of health care for female prisoners and opportunities for

health promotion.

Violence and abuse

Many prisoners have experienced violence in their time

before or in prison, often gender-based violence from

160

Prisons and health

their intimate partners. Three times as many women as

men report that they have experienced violence, either

physical or sexual, before their imprisonment (6). Women

who have experienced violence and abuse before their

imprisonment may have low self-esteem and poor skills

and suffer from a lack of confidence. Violence and abuse

are also associated with poor outcomes in terms of mental

and physical health problems, including reproductive

health problems.

It is important that prison systems identify women who

have been victims of violence or abuse before their

imprisonment and take into account the possible retraumatizing

effect of some aspects of the prison regime,

such as strip-searching. Counselling and support should

be available, and should continue after release.

Substance use

Drugs often hold a key to a woman’s offending. A high

percentage of women in prison suffer from a drug problem

and problematic drug use rates are often higher among

female than male prisoners. It is estimated that around

75% of women arriving in prison have some sort of drugrelated

problem at the time of arrest.

Generally, women with substance use problems have

fewer resources (education, employment and income), are

more likely to be living with a partner with substance use

problems, to be taking care of dependent children, have

severe problems at the beginning of treatment for their

substance use and have higher rates of trauma related to

physical and sexual abuse and mental disorders than men.

Post-traumatic stress disorder and anxiety disorders are

especially common (7).

Women with substance use problems need treatment. A

major concern is that prison systems frequently do not

guarantee access to this treatment. A gender-sensitive

approach to women’s health care should always take

into account the need to provide specialized addiction

treatment programmes. Substitution treatment has

been proved to be the most effective treatment option

for persons with substance use problems, and attention

should be paid to implementing substitution treatment

more widely in prison settings. Support for staff should

also be developed, including the production of clear

guidelines (8).

Alcohol use

The prevalence of alcohol use and dependence in

women entering prison ranges from 10% to 24% (9),

although more recent studies have identified higher

prevalence rates. For example, in Finland 51% of

women prisoners are alcohol-dependent and there

is evidence to suggest that alcohol use disorders are

an increasing problem among women prisoners (10).

Despite the wide variation in prevalence estimates, it

is clear that alcohol use is a greater problem for women

in prison than for those in the general community.

Prevalence rates tend to be higher among women

prisoners than male prisoners – a consistent finding

in several countries. Alcohol use disorders in women

are associated with a range of other health and social

issues including poverty, mental illness, drug use and a

history of abuse in childhood.

Mental health issues

Women in prison are more likely to have mental health

problems than both the general population and male

prisoners (11), including high rates of post-traumatic

stress disorders. Trauma are indirectly and directly linked

to criminal pathways and to both mental and physical

illness (12).

In the United Kingdom (England and Wales), it was shown

that 90% of women in prison have a diagnosable mental

disorder, substance use problem or both, and 9 out of

10 women in prison have at least one of the following:

neurosis, psychosis, personality disorder, alcohol abuse or

drug dependence (13). The prevalence of severe mental

illness (psychosis and major depression) is higher in

the prison population than in the general population. A

systematic review in 2002 showed that the prevalence of

psychotic illnesses in women prisoners worldwide was

4% and of major depression 12%, indicating that women

prisoners are two to four times as likely to have a psychotic

illness or major depression as the general population,

and that 42% of women prisoners worldwide have a

personality disorder, about 10 times the prevalence in the

general population (14). Not only are women prisoners

more likely to suffer from severe mental illness than the

general population but they are more likely to do so than

male prisoners. A British survey reported annual incidence

rates of psychosis in women prisoners to be more than

double that in male prisoners: 110 per 1000 compared to

52 per 1000 (15).

Women’s mental health is likely to deteriorate in prisons

that are overcrowded, where prisoners are not properly

differentiated and programmes are either non-existent

or inadequate to address the specific needs of women.

Promoting mental health and well-being should be central

to a prison’s health care policy (16).

Self-harm and suicide

Suicide and self-harm are important issues for female

prisoners and the early period in custody is recognized as

being a time of particularly high risk. Studies worldwide

161

Women’s health and the prison setting

have shown that suicide rates in prisons are up to 10

times higher than those in the general population (17,18),

and suicide is a leading cause of death in custody. The

rate of suicide is higher in women prisoners than in male

prisoners, in stark contrast to suicide rates in the general

population which tend to be higher in men. Features of

the prison regime as well as traumatic experiences in

childhood and adulthood, mental health problems and

a lack of social support are associated with suicidal

behaviour (19).

Many more women in prison self-harm than commit

suicide. Women prisoners are more likely to self-harm

than male prisoners and than women in the community. A

study of women prisoners showed that 16% had harmed

themselves in the month before imprisonment (20). Those

who self-harm are more likely to have a psychiatric

disorder, drink hazardous amounts of alcohol and to have

been abused as a child or adult.

To address the risk of suicide and self-harm, prison

systems need to ensure that their health services are

effective and that all staff working with women prisoners

are aware of the issue.

Infectious diseases

Women are at greater risk than men of entering prison

with HIV, hepatitis B and/or hepatitis C (21). Women who

engage in risky behaviour, such as sex work or injecting

drug use, are at particularly high risk. Women prisoners

also have higher rates of STIs than male prisoners and the

general female population. This has been attributed to the

fact that they are more likely to participate in risky sexual

behaviour, including sex work and injecting drug use.

Syphilis is a rare disease among the general population

but in some countries not uncommon in imprisoned

women.

Many STIs stay undetected. Some infections are more

likely to be asymptomatic in women but at the same time

more likely to have serious long-term health consequences

such as ectopic pregnancy, infertility and chronic pelvic

pain. They are a major factor in the spread of HIV, as they

enhance transmission and diminish the woman’s general

resistance.

Prison services should ensure that women living with

HIV receive prevention, treatment, care and support

equivalent to that available to people living with HIV

in the community, including ART. Clean needles and

syringes should be available to prevent women from

sharing them and thus prevent the spread of HIV and

other infectious diseases. If needles and syringes are

not allowed in prison, other harm reduction measures

should be accessible. While imprisoned women who are

HIV-positive, or are at risk of being infected, face similar

challenges to men in terms of access to essential care

such as ART and harm reduction measures, they also have

additional needs. Gender-specific interventions have been

shown to be more successful than interventions that are

gender-neutral. In particular, women prisoners benefit

from interventions that address HIV prevention in terms

of interactions and relationships with other people and

those that also address the cultural and socioeconomic

conditions in which the women live. Many women will

have suffered from sexual abuse and need psychological

interventions that address this together with genderspecific

empowerment strategies to enable them to

negotiate safer sex practices effectively (22).

Reproductive health

Women prisoners are a high-risk group for sexual and

reproductive health diseases, including cancer and STIs,

particularly due to the typical background of these women

which often includes injecting drug use, sexual abuse and

violence, sex work and unsafe sexual practices (23).

Screening programmes for diseases such as cervical

cancers should be included in the standard procedure

in women’s prisons. Imprisoned women are at high risk

of cervical cancer yet they are less likely to have been

screened for it and are unlikely to complete appropriate

follow-up and management of abnormal smear results.

They are more likely to have a sexually transmitted

disease and, more specifically, to have evidence of

human papilloma virus infection that is causally related to

cervical cancer. Several studies have shown higher rates

of abnormal smears in the prison population. Evidence

from Canada suggested that women prisoners presented

with more severe abnormalities at a younger age than the

general population (24). Paradoxically, these imprisoned

women who are at greatest risk of cervical cancer are least

likely to have been screened for this disease. This may be

because of limited access for women with low incomes (if

payment is required), a low level of knowledge or fear of a

gynaecological examination. Prison health care providers

need to develop locally appropriate services that ensure

that women in need of cervical screening are rapidly

screened and treated, if necessary, with clear pathways

to ensure throughcare.

Women’s normal human functions, such as menstruation,

are too often medicalized by prison systems and many fail

to cope with women’s menstruation. For instance, they

fail to provide menstrual products such as sanitary towels

or adequate bathing and washing facilities (3). Menstrual

products and frequent access to showers need to be

freely available.

162

Prisons and health

Pregnancy, postnatal care and breastfeeding

Imprisoned women who are pregnant constitute a highrisk

obstetric group, that is, both mother and foetus are

more likely to have problems during pregnancy and,

subsequently, to have poorer outcomes. Some factors are

likely to contribute to this: imprisoned women are likely

to come from socially deprived backgrounds and are more

likely to smoke, drink alcohol to excess and use illegal

drugs than the general population. Various studies have

shown that smoking rates in pregnant women prisoners

approach 70% (25). The majority of these pregnant women

have a history of drug abuse, and estimates of actual drug

abuse during pregnancy range from 27% (26) to 71% (25).

In addition, they are more likely to have a medical problem

which could affect the pregnancy outcome and yet less

likely to receive adequate antenatal care (27).

Women in prison also tend to have poorer birth outcomes

than the general population. They are more likely to have

a low birthweight baby and perinatal mortality rates are

higher in this population (28). When compared to pregnant

women matched for age, race, parity and socioeconomic

status, however, there are no significant differences

between the groups with regard to outcomes such as

birthweight and foetal death rate. Furthermore, it seems

that imprisonment has a favourable effect on pregnancy

outcomes. Several studies have shown that longer periods

spent in prison improve outcomes such as increasing the

birthweight of the baby, or decreasing the likelihood of

premature or instrumental delivery. Martin and colleagues

estimate that for every day the mother spent in prison, the

baby gained an additional 1.49 g (29). Possible explanations

for these improved outcomes might be that prison provides

food and shelter, moderates the use of drugs and alcohol,

prevents strenuous activity, protects women against abusive

partners and ensures access to antenatal care. However,

imprisoning pregnant women when the majority have not

committed a violent crime and therefore pose little risk to

the public is ethically questionable. While the evidence

that indicates that imprisonment may have benefits for the

physical health of the mother and baby, imprisonment also

presents many challenges to pregnant women. Imprisoned

mothers are more stressed, anxious and depressed than the

general population (30,31).

Dental health

Prisoners have significantly greater oral health needs than the

general population and have often had very limited contact

with dental health care services in the community. Many

prisoners enter prison with dental health problems requiring

urgent treatment. High levels of alcohol consumption,

smoking and substance use all contribute to poor oral health.

A survey in 2002 in the United Kingdom (Scotland) concluded

that the severity of tooth decay was considerably worse in

the prison population than in the community, especially for

female prisoners (32). Providing appropriate dental services

is an essential part of prison health services and must be

guaranteed for all women prisoners.

Children of women in prison

Many women in prison are mothers and usually the sole

or primary carers for their children. This results in large

numbers of children being institutionalized when women

are imprisoned, since the fathers often fail to care for

the child(ren). In Europe, it is estimated that about

10 000 children under the age of two years are affected

by their mothers’ imprisonment every day. For instance,

in the United Kingdom, a national study showed that in

85% of the cases the father does not look after the child

when the mother is imprisoned (20). The imprisonment of

a mother may have a traumatic and lasting effect on both

mother and child, in part due to great distress because

of the separation together with a range of emotional

and psychosocial problems, and also because they are

less likely than imprisoned men to have someone in

the family looking after their child and are more likely

to lose their housing and children as a result of their

imprisonment.

In many countries, babies born to women in prison can

stay with their mothers in prison. Very young children may

often accompany their mothers into prison, up to the age

of three years on average in Europe. This age limit varies

considerably across countries in Europe, with a maximum

of six years old.

Most countries where children are allowed to stay with

their mothers in prison have special mother-and-baby

units, where mother and child can stay together.

Children of imprisoned women have not committed a

crime and should not suffer as if they had done so. The

lives of the children who live in prison should be as good

as the lives they would have led outside in the community,

including good nutrition and decent playing areas. It

should be possible for these children to leave the prison at

any time if this is considered to be in their best interests.

Difficult problems and dilemmas arise both from

accommodating children in prisons and separating them

from their mothers. It is vital that in all decisions made

concerning a child of an imprisoned woman, the best

interest of the child is the primary consideration.

Organization of health care for women in

prison

The specific needs of women are often not met by prison

systems, which have been largely designed by and for

163

Women’s health and the prison setting

men. Women in prison need free access to a full range of

gender-specific health services. There should be explicit

recognition that women and men are different and that

equal treatment of men and women does not result in

equal outcomes.

The standards which should define a health care system

for women prisoners are laid down in the United Nations

Rules for the treatment of Women Prisoners and Noncustodial

Measures for Women Offenders (the Bangkok

Rules) (33). These standards can be summarized as

follows.

1. Imprisonment of women should always be a last

resort. Suitable non-custodial alternatives shall be

made available whenever possible.

2. Medical screening on entry should include

comprehensive screening to determine primary

health care needs. It should also determine: sexually

transmitted or blood-borne diseases including HIV;

mental health care needs; the reproductive health

history of women prisoners and related health issues;

the existence of drug dependency and sexual abuse

and other forms of violence suffered prior to admission.

3. Medical confidentiality must be respected, including

the right not to share information and to undergo

screening related to reproductive health history.

4. Children accompanying women prisoners shall also

undergo health screening and shall receive health care

at least equivalent to that in the community.

5. Gender-specific health care services at least equivalent

to those available in the community shall be provided

to women prisoners.

6. Comprehensive mental health care and rehabilitation

programmes shall be made available for women

prisoners.

7. Programmes to prevent and treat HIV/AIDS shall be

responsive to the specific needs of women, including

prevention of mother-to-child transmission.

8. Specialized treatment programmes for women

substance abusers shall be provided.

9. Strategies and support to prevent suicide and selfharm

among women prisoners shall be part of a

comprehensive policy of mental health care for women

prisoners.

10. Women prisoners shall receive information and

education about all relevant preventive health care

measures.

Gender-sensitive training for staff working with woman

prisoners must take into account the specific vulnerability

and health care needs of woman prisoners. Continuity of

care is particularly important for women, who are often

on very short sentences but whose physical and mental

health needs are long-term (5).

References

1. Walmsley R. World female imprisonment list. London,

International Centre for Prison Studies, 2006 (http://

www.unodc.org/pdf/india/womens_corner/women_

prison_list_2006.pdf, accessed 11 November 2013).

2. Bromley briefings prison fact file. London, Prison

Reform Trust, 2006.

3. Women in prison: incarcerated in a man’s world.

London, Penal Reform International, 2007 (Penal

Reform Briefing No. 3).

4. Women in prison: a review of the conditions in member

states of the Council of Europe. Brussels, Quaker

Council for European Affairs, 2007 (http://www.org/

qcea. wp-content/uploads/2011/04/rprt-wip2-

execsummary-feb-2007.pdf, accessed 11 November

2013).

5. Women’s health in prison. Correcting gender inequity

in prison health. Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office

for Europe, 2009 (http://www.euro.who.int/__data/

assets/pdf_file/0004/76513/E92347.pdf, accessed

11 November 2013).

6. Severson M, Postmus JL, Berry M. Incarcerated women:

consequences and contributions of victimization and

intervention. International Journal of Prisoner Health,

2005, 1:223–240.

7. Substance abuse treatment and care for women: case

studies and lessons learned. Vienna, United Nations

Office on Drugs and Crime, 2004.

8. Status paper on prisons, drugs and harm reduction.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2005

(http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006

/78549/E85877.pdf, accessed 11 November 2013).

9. Fazel S, Bains P, Doll H. Substance abuse and

dependence in prisoners: a systematic review.

Addiction, 2006, 101:181–191.

10. Lintonen T et al. The changing picture of substance

abuse problems among Finnish prisoners. Social

Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 2011,

47(5):835–842.

11. Bastick M, Townhead L. Women in prison: a

commentary on the UN Standard Minimum Rules for

the Treatment of Prisoners. Geneva, Quaker United

Nations Office, 2008 (http://www.peacewomen.org/

portal_resources_resource.php?id=185, accessed

11 November 2013).

12. Moloney KP, Van den Bergh BJ, Moller LF. Women in

prison: the central issues of gender characteristics and

trauma history. Public Health, 2009, 123(6):426–430.

13. Palmer J. Special health requirements for female

prisoners. In: Health in prisons. A WHO guide to the

essentials in prison health. Copenhagen, WHO Regional

Office for Europe, 2007:158 (http://www.euro.who.

int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/99018/E90 174.pdf,

accessed 6 December 2013).

164

Prisons and health

14. Fazel S, Danesh J. Serious mental disorder in 23 000

prisoners: a systematic review of 62 surveys. The

Lancet, 2002, 359(9306):545–550.

15. Brugha T et al. Psychosis in the community and in

prisons: a report from the British National Survey of

Psychiatric Morbidity. American Journal of Psychiatry,

2005, 162(4):774–780.

16. Trencin Statement on Prisons and Mental Health.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2008

(http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/

99006/E91402.pdf, accessed 6 December 2013).

17. Preti A, Cascio MT. Prison suicides and self-harming

behaviours in Italy, 1990–2002. Medicine, Science and

the Law, 2006, 46(2):127–134.

18. O’Driscoll C, Samuels A, Zacka M. Suicide in New

South Wales Prisons, 1995–005: towards a better

understanding. Australia and New Zealand Journal of

Psychiatry, 2007, 41(6):519–524.

19. Marzano L et al. Psychosocial influences on prisoner

suicide: a case-control study of near-lethal self-harm

in women prisoners. Social Science & Medicine, 2011,

72(6):874–883.

20. Plugge EH, Douglas N, Fitzpatrick R. The health of

women in prison: study findings. Oxford, University of

Oxford, 2006.

21. Interventions to address HIV in prisons: comprehensive

review. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2007

(Evidence for Action Technical Paper) (http://www.

unodc.org/documents/hiv-aids/EVIDENCE%20FOR%20

ACTION%202007%20hiv_treatment.pdf, accessed 11

November 2013).

22. Lichtenstein B, Malow R. A critical review of HIVrelated

interventions for women prisoners in the

United States. Journal of the Association of Nurses in

AIDS Care, 2010, 21(5):380–394.

23. Handbook for prison managers and policymakers on

women and imprisonment. Vienna, United Nations

Office on Drugs and Crime, 2008 (http://www.unodc.

org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/women-andimprisonment.

pdf, accessed 11 November 2013).

24. Martin RE. A review of a prison cervical cancer program

in British Columbia. Canadian Journal of Public Health,

1998, 89:382–386.

25. Terk JV, Martens MG, Williamson MA. Pregnancy

outcomes of incarcerated women. Journal of Maternal

Fetal Investigation, 1993, 2:246–250.

26. Fogel CI. Pregnant inmates: risk factors and pregnancy

outcomes. Journal of Obstetric, Gynecologic, &

Neonatal Nursing, 1993, 22(1):33–39.

27. Knight M, Plugge EH. Risk factors for adverse

perinatal outcomes in imprisoned pregnant women: a

systematic review. BMC Public Health, 2005, 5:111.

28. Knight M, Plugge EH. The outcomes of pregnancy

among imprisoned women: a systematic review.

BJOG: An International Journal of Obstetrics and

Gynaecology, 2005, 112(11):1467–1474.

29. Martin SL et al. The effect of incarceration during

pregnancy on birth outcomes. Public Health Report,

1997, 112(4):340.

30. Fogel CI, Belyea M. Psychological risk factors in

pregnant inmates. A challenge for nursing. American

Journal of Maternal/Child Nursing, 2001, 26(1):10–16.

31. Wismont JM. The lived pregnancy experience of

women in prison. Journal of Midwifery and Women’s

Health, 2000, 45(4):292–300.

32. Jones CM, McCann M, Nugent Z. Scottish Prisons’

Dental Health Survey 2002. Edinburgh, Scottish

Executive, 2004 (http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Publications/

2004/02/18868/32855, accessed 11 November 2013).

33. United Nations Rules for the Treatment of Women

Prisoners and Non-custodial Measures for Women

Offenders (the Bangkok Rules). New York, United

Nations, 2011 (http://www.unodc.org/documents/

justice-and-prison-reform/crimeprevention/UN_

Rules_Treatment_Women_Prisoners_Bangkok_

Rules.pdf, accessed 12 June 2014).

Further reading

Brinded PM et al. Prevalence of psychiatric disorders in

New Zealand prisons: a national study. Australia and New

Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 2001, 35(2):166–173.

Prevention of acute drug-related mortality in prison

populations during the immediate post-release period.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2010

(http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0020/

114914/E93993.pdf, accessed 11 November 2013).

Strategy for integrating gender analysis in the work of

WHO. Geneva, World Health Organization, 2007 (http://

whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2009/9789241597708_

eng_Text.pdf, accessed 11 November 2013).

165

19. The older prisoner and complex chronic medical care

Brie Williams, Cyrus Ahalt, Robert Greifinger

Key points

• Prisoners are often considered geriatric at the age of

50 or 55 years.

• Plans should be made for the increasing use of health

care services and medical care costs in the light of the

growing number of older prisoners.

• Consideration should be given to developing a

geriatric, team-based model of care for older prisoners,

particularly those with multimorbidity.

• The medication lists of older adults should be regularly

reviewed to avoid specific medications and to limit

polypharmacy.

• The physical and mental health status of older prisoners

should be assessed by focusing on geriatric syndromes,

such as sensory impairment, functional impairment,

incontinence and cognitive impairment, which are

common and may pose unique risks in prison.

• Specific housing and prison environments should be

evaluated and adapted as needed to ensure that older

prisoners with limited function or mobility are not at

risk for falls or social isolation.

• The risks and benefits of screening tests or medical

treatment plans should be discussed with older

prisoners, taking into account life expectancy and the

individual’s goals for care.

• Approaches should be developed to address

behavioural infractions among older prisoners with

sensory, functional or cognitive impairment, and

prison officers and staff educated as needed.

• People who are independent in the community might

be functionally impaired in prison. Older prisoners

should be assessed for their ability to perform physical

prison tasks such as standing to be counted, getting

in and out of a top bunk or responding to alarms, and

adaptations made as needed.

• Prior to release from prison, an inmate should receive

personalized discharge planning, including a bridging

supply of medications, post-discharge medical appointments,

summarized health records, a social support

plan and age-specific community agency referrals.

• Resources should be developed, either prison-based

or community-based working in the prison, to provide

seriously ill and dying prisoners with palliative and/or

hospice care according to individual need.

Introduction

General population ageing is a worldwide trend in nearly

all regions outside sub-Saharan Africa, with prisons no

exception. The growing number of older prisoners with

complex medical co-morbidity has become a global

challenge. Over the past decade, while overall prison

populations have grown in nations as varied as Turkey

(90% increase), Argentina (55%), Kenya (40%), Spain

(30%), the United Kingdom (15%), the United States

(13%) and China (10%) (1), in many places there has

been a concurrent disproportionate growth in the number

of older prisoners. In the United States, where the total

prison population grew 100% between 1990 and 2009,

the number of prisoners aged 55 years or older increased

by more than 300% in the same period (2). In Japan,

the number of older adults in prison has doubled in the

last decade despite just a 30% increase in the number

of older Japanese overall. Many other nations are also

experiencing an increasing number of older prisoners,

reflecting trends in ageing and in criminal justice policy.

As societies age, the arrest and sentencing of older adults

are on the rise. At the same time, more and more adults

are growing old in prisons as countries embrace tougher

criminal justice policies, including the increased use of

life sentences, stronger drug and immigration laws and

mandatory minimum sentencing practices. Regardless of

nation-specific criminal justice policies that contribute

to these shifting demographics, the growing population

of older prisoners is expected to increase as the world

population ages, unless there are significant policy

changes.

Many prisons now provide primary care to a growing

number of medically vulnerable older prisoners.

Accordingly, prison health care systems must evaluate and

optimize their ability to deliver complex chronic medical

and social care for older prisoners if prison administrations

are to provide for the basic rights of all prisoners. This

imperative is also critical from a fiscal perspective as the

ageing population in detention is a principal driver of the

rising cost of incarceration, primarily due to greater health

care costs (3).

To provide cost-effective and adequate health care to the

growing number of older prisoners, prison administrations

must first acknowledge the unique challenges associated

with the ageing prisoner population. Ageing in general

brings with it new physical, psychological and social

challenges. Prisons and jails are typically designed for

younger prisoners. For older prisoners, this introduces

additional challenges to safety, functional ability and

166

Prisons and health

health (4). Additionally, for older adults the health risks

following release from prison may be magnified by

challenges such as receiving only limited social support,

being frail in unsafe neighbourhoods and having complex

medication needs (5). Thus, for a growing number of older

adults in countries around the world, prisons occupy an

important place on the health care continuum.

This chapter applies the fundamental tenets of geriatric

medicine to correctional health care to illustrate how to

optimize care for older prisoners.

Accelerated ageing: who is old in prison?

The goal of geriatric medicine (and gerontology, its

counterpart in nursing and the social sciences) is to increase

the health, independence and quality of life of older adults

by providing high-quality, patient-centred, interdisciplinary

care (6). In the prison setting, geriatric care models may

often be appropriate for prisoners who are younger than

the 65-year cut-off typically used to define the elderly in

the non-incarcerated population. This is because many

medically and socially vulnerable adults (such as homeless

or impoverished people, refugees and prisoners) experience

accelerated ageing, that is, they develop chronic illness and

disability approximately 10–15 years earlier than the rest

of the population (7). Older prisoners often fall into several

categories of the medically vulnerable, owing to a history of

poverty, poor access to health care, substance use or other

factors. As a result, many criminal justice systems consider

prisoners to be older, or geriatric, by the age of 50 or 55

years (5,7,8). Prison health care administrations should

take accelerated ageing into account when determining

the eligibility criteria for age-related screening tools and

medical care protocols.

Geriatric medicine and the multimorbidity

model of care

The first step towards optimizing the care of older

prisoners is to adapt care models already developed

and tested in the fields of geriatrics and gerontology to

older prisoner health care. Geriatric medicine uses the

multimorbidity model of care. Rather than focus on a

single disease, the multimorbidity care model prioritizes

the chronic medical conditions that most affect health

status and quality of life for each individual (9). As

with all older adults, the prevalence of multiple chronic

medical conditions in prisoners increases with age. One

study from the United States found that 85% of prisoners

aged 50 years or older in the Texas prison system (which

holds more than 150 000 prisoners of all ages) have one

or more chronic medical conditions and 61% have two

or more conditions. In contrast, just 37% of prisoners in

Texas aged 30–49 years and 16% of those aged under

30 years reported two or more chronic medical conditions

(10). Other studies similarly reveal higher rates of chronic

illness in older versus younger prisoners for conditions

including hypertension, arthritis, heart disease, chronic

obstructive pulmonary disease and cancer (11). In Texas,

older prisoners were also substantially more likely than

other prisoners to have infectious diseases such as TB,

hepatitis B and C, methicillin-resistant staphylococcus

aureus, syphilis and pneumonia (8).

The multimorbidity care model uses care coordination,

patient education and shared decision-making between

the health care clinician and the patient to weigh the risks

and benefits of each medical decision on the individual

patient. In acknowledgement of the complex needs of older

adults, geriatric medicine is often practised in teams that

include, for example, physician and nurse clinicians, social

workers and pharmacists. Many older adults entering

prison will not have had extensive contact with the health

care system prior to their incarceration, and a complete

medical assessment on arrival is often an important first

step in diagnosing chronic disease, cognitive impairment

and disability. The results of a comprehensive assessment

can also help with decisions related to housing, security

risk and programming eligibility.

Polypharmacy

A key barrier to the optimal management of chronic

disease for older patients is polypharmacy. Defined as the

inappropriate use of multiple medications, polypharmacy

is a particular risk for older adults because of age-related

changes in the metabolism, clearance and delivery of

many medications. This heightened risk is also increased

when multiple medications are used at one time and with

specific high-risk medications.

Several lists of inappropriate and potentially inappropriate

medications in the elderly exist and should be made easily

available to prison health care clinicians. Medications

with anticholinergic properties, for example, should be

avoided in older adults as these drugs can result in sideeffects

that include falls, delirium (acute confusion) and

urinary retention (12). Anticholinergic properties are found

in many classes of medication including antihistamines,

some benzodiazepines and some antibiotics (13). In

addition to being aware of important medications to avoid

in the elderly, it is also critical that prison health care

clinicians use caution when adding new medications to

the regimens of older adults. Older prisoners should have

their entire medication list reviewed regularly to assess

the need for continuation of each medication while

considering the possibility of drug–drug interactions with

other concurrent medications. In keeping with the geriatric

care model, a team approach may help to ensure proper

management of medications in older prisoners.

167

The older prisoner and complex chronic medical care

Geriatric syndromes

Geriatric syndromes are conditions that have multifactoral

etiologies, significant morbidity and adverse effects on

quality of life and are more common in older adults (14).

The common geriatric syndromes considered here include

falls, dementia, incontinence, sensory impairment and

symptom burden. Health care providers who specialize

in older adults focus as much time on assessing and

addressing geriatric syndromes as on the diagnosis and

management of chronic medical illnesses. In prison,

geriatric syndromes are similarly important, affecting

many older prisoners and increasing their risk for adverse

health events.

Falls

Studies have found that approximately 30% of people

aged over 65 years fall each year, a rate that increases

with advancing age (12). Of those who fall, approximately

20–30% suffer injuries with significant consequences for

their independence and functioning, and even their risk of

death (15). Older prisoners are at heightened risk of falls if

they are housed in institutions with poor lighting, uneven

flooring or poorly marked stairs or if they are required to

perform activities beyond their functional ability, such

as standing for long periods or climbing onto a top bunk.

Other factors contributing to the increased risk of falls in

prison could include allocation to accommodation that

necessitates the use of many stairs, crowded areas where

others are moving quickly and may jostle the older prisoner,

or the use of ankle and/or wrist shackles which can affect

normal gait by decreasing arm swing and can restrict the

ability to compensate for imbalance with a wide-spaced

gait. In addition, vitamin D deficiency can lead to abnormal

gait, muscle weakness and osteoporosis, increasing the

risk of injury from falls. This can be a particular problem

for prisoners with less outdoor access. One study of older

women prisoners in the United States found that 51%

experienced a fall over a one-year period in custody (16).

Effective interventions to reduce falls in the community

include exercise programmes to promote balance and

muscle-strengthening, environmental modifications

such as grab bars and reviews of medication to avoid

polypharmacy.

Dementia

Dementia is defined as a decline in two or more areas of

cognitive functioning severe enough to cause functional

decline. The prevalence of dementia doubles every five

years from the ages of 60 years to 80 years, when it

affects one third to one half of the population (12). The

dementia risk is worse for people that are also at risk

of incarceration, including those with a history of posttraumatic

stress disorder, low educational attainment,

traumatic brain injury or substance abuse. Some of

these factors are also associated with the earlier onset

of dementia, such that prisoners could be at risk for

cognitive decline at young ages. Cognitive impairment

can be harder to detect in prison, given that many of the

daily tasks necessary for independence in the community

are frequently not required of prisoners, such as doing

their laundry, cooking and balancing their finances. If it

goes undetected, however, cognitive impairment could

have considerable consequences in prison, including

victimization, unwarranted disciplinary measures or failure

to meet complex release instructions. For these reasons,

many recommend cognitive screening upon intake for all

older prisoners, and annually for those ageing in prison

(4).

Incontinence

The prevalence of incontinence increases with age and is

often under-reported and under-diagnosed (12). One study

of United States prisoners found that 40% of inmates aged

60 years and older reported some incontinence (17). Many

types of incontinence can improve with treatment, yet a

study of Californian prisons found that incontinence was

often not treated by medical staff. Incontinence supplies

were also found to be lacking (18). For older prisoners,

untreated incontinence could lead to social isolation,

depression, decreased functional status, ridicule or

physical victimization. Prison health care clinicians should

be trained to diagnose incontinence, investigate its causes

and provide treatment, including incontinence supplies.

Sensory impairment

Impairments to hearing and vision, both common with

advancing age, are associated with problems with

balance, social isolation and disability (12). In prisons,

these risks may be magnified as older prisoners with visual

impairment struggle to negotiate unseen obstacles, or

those with hearing impairment are unable to hear orders

or are misconstrued as disrespectful of fellow inmates

whose comments they have not heard (16). For prisoners

with active legal cases, unaddressed sensory impairment

could reduce their capacity to participate effectively in

their own defence. It is, therefore, critically important that

sensory impairments are identified and that adaptations

are made available. Lawyers, correctional and law

enforcement officers and other front-line criminal justice

professionals should also be trained to identify prisoners

with potential impairments for referral to medical staff.

Symptom burden

A high prevalence of distressing symptoms in older

prisoners can confound approaches to effective medical

treatment. Among older prisoners, emotional symptoms

related to social isolation and long-term incarceration

(or institutionalization) are common and can lead to

168

Prisons and health

adverse mental and physical health outcomes (7). Physical

symptoms are also prevalent in ageing populations.

Persistent pain, for example, is among the most common

presenting complaints in older adults who visit hospital

emergency departments. In prisons, pain treatment is often

complicated by co-occurring substance use disorders,

clinicians’ concerns about diversion of medicaments,

prison policies limiting controlled substances and other

factors (13). Yet without adequate treatment, distressing

symptoms can lead to a lower quality of life, new or

worsened functional impairment, increased use of the

health care services and a rapid decline in health for

older adults. Additional symptoms that are often underrecognized

and/or undertreated in older adults include

shortness of breath, constipation and dizziness (12). Thus,

a full assessment of symptoms and targeted planning of

treatment should be considered critical components of all

older prisoners’ medical care.

Functional status and environmental

mismatch

Geriatric syndromes can greatly affect functional

status, defined as a person’s degree of independence

in the activities of daily living (ADL –bathing, dressing,

eating, toileting and transferring between chair and bed

or toilet). Dependence in these and instrumental ADL

(IADL –typically including managing medications and

finances, transportation or shopping) increases with

age and is associated with more use of the health care

services and higher health care costs, a further decline

and greater morbidity (19). Although evidence describing

the prevalence of functional impairment in prisons is

limited, one study in a United States jail found that 20%

of men aged over 50 years were dependent in some IADLs

and 11% required assistance in some ADLs (17). Such

studies may, however, significantly underestimate the

prevalence of functional impairment in older prisoners

because incarceration includes many unique physical

activities not accounted for in traditional ADL and IADL

assessments. Another study sought to identify the unique

nature of functional ability in prison by identifying prisonspecific

ADL. These included dropping to the floor for

alarms, standing for head count, getting to the dining hall

for meals, hearing orders from staff, and climbing on and

off one’s bunk (16). The unique daily activities required for

independence in prison differ by institution and housing

unit. The study found that many older prisoners who

would be independent in the community were functionally

impaired in prison after accounting for the unique physical

tasks required for independence in prison. As a result,

experts recommend that a list should be drawn up of the

physical activities necessary for independence in each

housing unit or institution. These lists should be used

to house and stratify for risk older prisoners in need of

additional supervision and assistance, and an annual

screening policy should be instituted to assess functional

impairment in individuals growing old in prison (4).

Mental health issues

Older prisoners are likely to suffer from mental illness at

higher rates than their age-matched counterparts in the

community (20–22). One study in the United Kingdom

found that as many as one in three older prisoners

suffered from depression. The same study also found

that psychiatric conditions were among the most underdetected

and under-treated illnesses in older prisoners

(22). Mental health issues in older prisoners may be

particularly hard to detect or identify. As behavioural

health risk factors associated with incarceration (such as

traumatic brain injury and substance abuse) accumulate

over time, challenges to effective diagnosis and the

prescribing of medications are greater. Worsening

physical health may also have an impact on mental

health. Functional impairment, for example, can lead

to decreased participation in social, vocational or work

programmes which may, in turn, lead to social isolation,

withdrawal and depression (23).

Older adults may also experience psychological trauma

directly related to their incarceration. A sample of elderly

first-timers in United Kingdom prisons were frequently

anxious, depressed or psychologically traumatized by

incarceration (24). After a long period of imprisonment, older

prisoners may also have anxieties related to release (7).

One study also showed that long-term prisoners experience

a winnowing of their outside social support network, with

fewer visits and less contact with outside family or friends

over time (23). Other older prisoners may develop anxiety

at the onset of new medical conditions or a fear of dying

while in prison (7). Older prisoners should, therefore, be reevaluated

by a mental health provider with knowledge of

ageing-related mental health issues as factors related to

their physical health, criminal justice disposition or changes

in their outside social support structures.

End of life care and death

Although many older prisoners will eventually be released,

death in custody occurs in nearly any prison system.

Some legal systems provide for the early (or medical

or compassionate) release of terminally or seriously

ill prisoners (25), although uniform standards for such

programmes are not in place in every system. Where early

release is provided for, prison health care professionals

should be trained in the relevant legal and medical

guidelines and, where appropriate, should be capable of

assisting eligible prisoners to navigate the process. In the

United States, in states with early release laws, the lack

of a clearly defined prisoner advocate or role for the prison

169

The older prisoner and complex chronic medical care

health care provider has sometimes served as a barrier

to the release of medically eligible prisoners (25). Prison

administrations where early release laws exist should,

therefore, consider implementing prisoner advocacy

protocols that ensure prisoners have full access to the law

regardless of their medical disposition.

In the many countries and cases where early release does

not apply, hospice and/or palliative care may provide the

best standard of care for seriously ill or dying prisoners.

Hospice care is focused on people who are dying (usually

in the last six months of life), while palliative care is

focused on providing guidance and symptom control for

all seriously ill individuals, regardless of prognosis. In

the community, both care models have demonstrated

improvements in the quality of patients’ remaining lives

while reducing health care costs (26). At present, however,

the most effective means of providing end-of-life medical

care in prisons is not well understood. In the United States,

approximately 70 prisons have hospice units modelled

closely on community-based hospice programmes. These

hospice units have been shown to produce cost-effective,

high-quality end-of-life care. Issues remain, however. The

appropriate use of volunteers in prison hospice units,

patient-clinician trust, and the support mechanisms

available to prisoners making decisions about lifeprolonging

treatment, for example, have been identified

as areas where more research is needed. In the United

Kingdom, palliative care in prison provided by community

providers is the commonly used care model for seriously

ill prisoners (27). Yet, again, more research is needed to

gain a better understanding of how prisoners experience

these services and how they can be further optimized (2)

.

Ageing and re-entry into the community

Studies have shown that advancing age is one of the

few reliable predictors of decreasing recidivism (7). As a

result, there have been many calls in the United States

for the early release of nonviolent geriatric prisoners to

alleviate overcrowded prisons and reduce correctional

costs. Others have proposed wider use of alternatives

to incarceration for nonviolent older prisoners, such as

house arrest or electronic monitoring. If momentum builds

behind such policies, and as ageing societies continue to

process growing numbers of older adults through prison,

effective preparation for the re-entry of older adults to the

community will be increasingly important.

On release, geriatric ex-prisoners may face unique

challenges, with potential consequences for communitybased

health care and social services systems. Older

adults are particularly vulnerable to difficulties in finding

employment and suitable housing. After long periods of

incarceration, many may also have difficulty navigating

the bureaucratic processes required to re-enrol in social

benefits programmes (5,28). Such social challenges both

hinder successful reintegration and pose additional health

risks. Inadequate planning for medical care and/or social

support prior to release may also place older adults at risk

of interruptions in treatment and failure to continue with

needed medications (5,13). Such system-level deficiencies

can result in avoidable use of the emergency services,

hospitalization and even death. Steps can, however,

be taken before release to smoothe the transition back

into the community for older adults, such as training in

independent living skills (cooking, shopping, banking), a

health care transition plan that includes health care and

access to medication, a summary of medical problems

sent directly to the post-release physician, links to agespecific

community resources and social support, and

education about self-care and disease management.

Although the current evidence base is limited, intensive

case management and peer mentoring programmes for

older adults may also improve outcomes in the important

period following release.

References

1. Walmsley R. World prison population list. London,

International Centre for Prison Studies (multiple

editions).

2. Williams B et al. Addressing the aging crisis in U.S.

criminal justice healthcare. Journal of the American

Geriatrics Society, 2012, 60(6):1150–1156.

3. At America’s expense: the mass incarceration of the

elderly. New York, NY, American Civil Liberties Union,

2012.

4. Williams B et al. Aging in correctional custody: setting

a policy agenda for older prisoner health. American

Journal of Public Health, 2012, 102(8):1475–1481.

5. Williams BA et al. Coming home: health status and

homelessness risk of older pre-release prisoners.

Journal of General Internal Medicine, 2010,

25(10):1038–1044.

6. Besdine R et al. Caring for older Americans: the

future of geriatric medicine. Journal of the American

Geriatrics Society, 2005, 53(Suppl 6):S245–256.

7. Aday R. Aging prisoners: crisis in American corrections.

Westport, CT, Praeger, 2003.

8. Baillargeon J et al. The infectious disease profile of

Texas prison inmates. Preventive Medicine, 2004,

28:607–612.

9. Guiding principles for the care of older adults with

multimorbidity: an approach for clinicians. Journal of

the American Geriatrics Society, 2012, 60(10):E1–E25.

10. Baillargeon J et al. The disease profile of Texas prison

inmates. Annals of Epidemiology, 2000, 10(2):74–80.

11. Binswanger I, Krueger P, Steiner J. Prevalence of

chronic medical conditions among jail and prison

170

Prisons and health

inmates in the USA compared with the general

population. Journal of Epidemiology and Community

Health, 2009, 63(11):912–919.

12. Landefeld CS et al., eds. Current geriatric diagnosis

and treatment. New York, NY, McGraw-Hill, 2004.

13. Greifinger R, ed. Public health behind bars: from

prisons to communities. New York, NY, Springer

Books, 2007.

14. Inouye SK et al. Geriatric syndromes: clinical, research,

and policy implications of a core geriatric concept.

Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 2007,

55(5):780–791.

15. Todd C, Skelton D. What are the main risk factors

for falls among older people and what are the

most effective interventions to prevent these falls?

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2004

(Health Evidence Network report) (http://www.euro.

who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0018/74700/E82552.

pdf, accessed 7 December 2013).

16. Williams B et al. Being old and doing time: functional

impairment and adverse experiences of geriatric

female prisoners. Journal of the American Geriatrics

Society, 2006, 54:702–707.

17. Colsher PL et al. Health status of older male prisoners:

a comprehensive survey. American Journal of Public

Health, 1992, 82:881–884.

18. Hill T et al. Aging inmates: challenges for healthcare

and custody. San Francisco, CA, The California

Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, 2006.

19. Covinsky KE et al. Measuring prognosis and case-mix

in hospitalized elders: the importance of functional

status. Journal of General Internal Medicine, 1997,

12:203–208.

20. Loeb SJ, Abudagga A. Health-related research on

older inmates: an integrative review. Research in

Nursing & Health, 2006, 29(6):556–565.

21. De Smet S et al. What is currently known about older

mentally ill offenders in forensic contexts: results from

a literature review. International Journal of Social

Sciences and Humanities Studies, 2010, 2(1):127–135.

22. Fazel S et al. Unmet treatment needs of older

prisoners: a primary care survey. Age Ageing, 2004,

33(4):396–398.

23. Kratcoski P, Babb S. Adjustment of older inmates: an

analysis by institutional structure and gender. Journal

of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 1990, 6:264–281.

24. Crawley E, Sparks R. Is there life after imprisonment?

How elderly men talk about imprisonment and release.

Criminology and Criminal Justice, 2006, 6(1):63–82.

25. Williams B et al. Balancing punishment and compassion

for seriously ill prisoners. Annals of Internal Medicine,

2011, 155(2):122–127.

26. Morrison RS et al. Cost savings associated with US

hospital palliative care programs. Archives of Internal

Medicine, 2008, 168(16):1783–1790.

27. Stone K, Papadopoulos I, Kelly D. Establishing hospice

care for prison populations: an integrative review

assessing the UK and USA perspective. Palliative

Medicine, 2011, 26(8):969–978.

28. Mallik-Kane K, Visher CA. Health and prisoner reentry:

how physical, mental, and substance abuse conditions

shape the process of reintegration. Washington DC,

Urban Institute, 2008.

Further reading

Anno BJ et al. Correctional health care: addressing the

needs of elderly, chronically ill, and terminally ill inmates.

Middletown, CT, Criminal Justice Institute, 2004.

Collins DR, Bird R. The penitentiary visit – a new role for

geriatricians? Age Ageing, 2007, 36(1):11–13.

Greifinger RB. Disabled prisoners and “reasonable

accommodation”. Journal of Criminal Justice Ethics,

2006, 2:53–55.

Old behind bars: the aging prison population in the United

States. New York, NY, Human Rights Watch, 2012.

Kerbs JJ, Jolley JM. A commentary on age segregation

for older prisoners: philosophical and pragmatic

considerations for correctional systems. Criminal Justice

Review, 2009, 34:119–139.

Maschi T et al. Forget me not: dementia in prison. The

Gerontologist, 2012, 52(4):441–451.

171

The essentials: why prison health deserves priority in the interests of public health,

the duty of care, human rights and social justice

Prison health management

172

Prisons and health

173

20. Primary health care in prisons

Andrew Fraser

Key points

• Prison is a special setting for primary health care.

All prison health services should strive to provide

prisoners with health care equivalent to that provided

in the community.

• The main purpose of health care is patient care. Prison

health care is no different. Health professionals in prison

also advise prison governors or directors and sometimes

serve the courts. They should do so with the greatest

possible involvement of their patients, balancing ethics

and care within the controlled environment of prison.

• Prisoners and health professionals alike have rights

and responsibilities. Professional groups should

adhere to national standards of practice and to

international rules and recommendations.

• Health professionals should understand and seek to

minimize the negative effects of the experience of

prison and use opportunities that prison can offer to

benefit their patients.

• Prison health services should understand the health

needs of their patients and seek to meet these needs

to the greatest extent possible within the available

resources and norms for the country.

• Mental health, addiction problems and infections

dominate most health needs of prisoners. Other types

of acute and chronic health condition are also common

and deserve attention.

• The primary care service should get to know their

patients on admission, care for them during their stay

and help to prepare them for release.

• Prison health services should understand the justice

and health policies and practices in their facilities

and seek to link up with local services and resources,

especially regarding the management of people with

severe mental illness.

• Every prison should have medical, nursing, dental,

psychological and pharmacy services, with

administrative support.

• Every prison should have access to an appropriate

level of health services at all hours.

• Every prison should maintain a system that accounts

for its work, including its assets, resources, processes,

key clinical challenges and outcomes, including critical

incidents.

• Primary health care in prison is important for the wellbeing

of the patients, all prisoners and the community,

for the effectiveness of prison services and the public

health of the community.

Introduction

The health care of prisoners is an integral and essential

part of every prison’s work.

Primary care is the foundation of prison health services.

Primary care is the most effective and efficient element of

health care in any public health system (1) and, as such,

should be available to every prisoner. As described in

more detail in Chapter 2, prisoners have the same right to

health care as everyone else in society.

The purpose of health care

In most respects, the purpose of health care in prison is

the same as outside prison. The care of patients is its core

function and its main activities are clinical. A full primary

care service, however, also includes elements of disease

prevention and health promotion (2).

As with primary care in the community, there are secondary

duties. Prison health professionals may occasionally carry

out other duties and services. They may provide reports

to the courts, and reports for when the early release of a

prisoner is being considered on general or specific health

grounds. In most countries, these processes occur under

the protection of laws and regulations. Unless there are

exceptional circumstances, such as the potential for

damage to a patient or to the interests of someone else

mentioned in the report (a third-party interest), patients

should be involved in decisions about their health care and

the use of personal health information, and be entitled to

see and keep copies of reports and correspondence.

Despite the many similarities in health care between

prison and the community, there are also differences.

Prison brings a loss of freedom which has many

consequences for health care.

• Prisoners automatically lose the social component

of health, including the loss of control of their

circumstances, the loss of family and familiar social

support and a lack of information and familiarity with

their surroundings.

• The prison environment often poses a threat to mental

well-being, especially to the decision-making capacity,

and to a sense of personal security.

• In most circumstances, prisoners are unable to choose

their professional health care team.

• Similarly, primary care teams in prison cannot select

their patients.

174

Prisons and health

• Neither the patient nor the health care team chooses

the beginning and end of courses of treatment or of

the clinician–patient relationship in general – this is

largely decided by the courts.

• Generally, patients who are prisoners need a high

level of health care.

The experience of prison

All aspects of prisoners’ lives in prison affect their health,

not only the quality of the health services provided.

To create the best conditions for good health and effective

health care, prisons should adopt a whole-prison approach

(see Chapter 21) to the provision of:

• a healthy environment and a culture of care and

rehabilitation;

• an atmosphere in which prisoners feel safe in the

company of other prisoners and staff;

• opportunities for prisoners to talk to other people in

confidence;

• opportunities for properly supervised care, including

basic social care for prisoners by other prisoners;

• opportunities, through visits, to maintain family links;

• information about the prison routine;

• ways to keep loneliness and boredom to a minimum;

• adequate food, opportunities for exercise and access

to fresh air; and

• sufficient privacy, adequate light, ventilation, heating

(and sometimes cooling) and access to sanitation in

the cell or barrack;

• basic training for all prison staff on matters of health,

health care and the legal duties of care (Chapter 22).

Prison staff and management should be aware of, and

educated in, basic health issues, particularly in factors

that determine whether a prison environment promotes

health. Staff should also be able to spot signs of serious

illness and be expert in first aid and management of

mental health crisis situations.

The components of primary care

The key components of a prison health service are

contained in a section of the Standard minimum rules

for the treatment of prisoners, (2). The remainder of this

chapter is based on this authoritative source. Rules 22–26

cover the medical services that should be available in all

prisons:

22. (1) At every institution, there shall be available the

services of at least one qualified medical officer who

should have some knowledge of psychiatry. The medical

services should be organized in close relationship to the

general health administration of the community or nation.

They shall include a psychiatric service for the diagnosis

and, in proper cases, the treatment of states of mental

abnormality.

(2) Sick prisoners who require specialist treatment shall be

transferred to specialized institutions or to civil hospitals.

Where hospital facilities are provided in an institution, their

equipment, furnishings and pharmaceutical supplies shall be

proper for the medical care and treatment of sick prisoners,

and there shall be a staff of suitable trained officers.

(3) The services of a qualified dental officer shall be available

to every prisoner.

23. (1) In women’s institutions, there shall be special

accommodation for all necessary prenatal and postnatal

care and treatment. Arrangements shall be made wherever

practicable for children to be born in a hospital outside the

institution. If a child is born in prison, this fact shall not be

mentioned in the birth certificate.

(2) Where nursing infants are allowed to remain in the

institution with their mothers, provision shall be made for a

nursery staffed by qualified persons, where the infants shall

be placed when they are not in the care of their mothers.

24. The medical officer shall see and examine every prisoner

as soon as possible after his admission and thereafter

as necessary, with a view particularly to the discovery of

physical or mental illness and the taking of all necessary

measures; the segregation of prisoners suspected of

infectious or contagious conditions; the noting of physical

or mental defects which might hamper rehabilitation, and

the determination of the physical capacity of every prisoner

for work.

25. (1) The medical officer shall have the care of the physical

and mental health of the prisoners and should daily see all

sick prisoners, all who complain of illness, and any prisoner

to whom his attention is specially directed.

(2) The medical officer shall report to the director whenever

he considers that a prisoner’s physical or mental health

has been or will be injuriously affected by continued

imprisonment or by any condition of imprisonment.

The primary care journey

At the minimum, primary care interventions are required

at the times of highest risk to the health of prisoners,

namely on admission and before release. They are also

needed to address health matters that arise during

imprisonment.

Every prisoner should be seen by a health professional at

the time of reception and by a doctor soon after reception.

175

Primary health care in prisons

On first assessment, the following questions should be

examined.

1. What are the main health problems for the prisoner as

a patient?

2. Is the patient a danger to him/herself?

− Does he/she have a serious illness, or is he/she

withdrawing from a substance misuse dependence

or correct medication?

− Is he/she at risk of self-harm or suicide?

3. Has the patient suffered injury or ill-treatment during

arrest or detention?

4. Does the patient present a risk or a danger to others?

− Does he/she have an easily transmitted disease

that puts others at risk?

− Is his/her mental state causing him/her to be a

threat or likely to be violent? Note: prison health

professionals should assess the patient’s risk to

others on health grounds alone.

Every prisoner should be assessed, or his/her health care

reviewed, after a suitable period of settling into prison,

as follows.

1. Are any immediate health problems (questions 1 and 2

above) under control?

2. Do the problems require more detailed assessment

and a treatment plan?

3. What is the past record and wider assessment of this

person’s health?

4. Does the person need specialist assessment,

treatment plans or further reports?

5. Does the person need an integrated care plan for

several problems, for instance, for mental health and

dependence problems?

6. Who will take action on the care plans?

7. What can be done by:

−the patient

−the health care team

−secondary or specialist care

−the rehabilitation team

−the prison generally?

8. Are there other key determinants that influence the

patient’s health and well-being, such as housing,

welfare or family matters?

Primary health care in prison should be accessible to

all prisoners when they request it, according to their

requirements. The needs of long-term prisoners should be

reviewed regularly and care and treatment goals agreed

with them.

Each patient should receive help in preparing for release

and should be put into contact with primary care services

in the community.

Prison health care resources

Prisons should recognize that most prisoners need a

considerable amount of health care (3). Adequate resources

should be channelled to prison health care services to

provide prisoners with a standard of health care that is

at least equivalent to that provided in the community.

Further, it is important for prisoners to take advantage of

the opportunity that imprisonment represents. Many come

from marginalized and poor communities and are in poor

health. Because prison health is integral to good public

health, effective health care in prison ultimately reduces

the health risks to people in the community.

All prison systems receive people who:

• are marginalized, poor, homeless or out of work, with

mental health and dependence problems;

• have led a chaotic life, without access to proper and

regular health care, and have co-occurring health

problems; and

• have health care needs requiring specialists from some

disciplines, including infectious diseases, dentistry,

psychiatry and psychology, optometry and pharmacy.

The provision of adequate primary care in prisons ideally

leads to a narrowing of the health gap and to promoting

equity in health (4). Prisoners can gain access to care for

known conditions that may not otherwise be available to

them in the community such as mental health care, dental

care and management of long-term conditions. Primary

health services can offer an opportunity to assess, detect

and treat serious illnesses, especially mental health,

infections and dependence problems.

Common problems encountered in primary

care practice in prisons

Primary care in prisons has to deal with a very wide

range of common problems. Prisoners have a higher

likelihood of almost any clinical problem compared with

the general population, in line with their socioeconomic

conditions and drug and alcohol use. No conditions are

unique to prison, but many are more prevalent among

prisoners, including suicide risk, addictive disorders,

mental disorders and bloodborne communicable diseases

(3). Some conditions can be promoted by prison conditions

(often for the worse), such as airborne infection, shared

injecting equipment, anxiety, depression and other mental

health problems. Clinicians should always be vigilant for

signs of recent injury and seek to establish the cause.

Common problems in prison health care practice include

the following.

• Physical problems include:

− dependence (drugs, alcohol, tobacco);

− communicable diseases;

176

Prisons and health

− oral diseases;

− chronic medical disorders (diabetes, epilepsy,

diseases of the reproductive system, cancer, and

heart, lung and liver disease).

• Mental health problems include:

− low mood or self-confidence (self-esteem and

dependence on, for example, drugs or alcohol);

− anxiety;

− depression;

− severe mental disorders;

− post-traumatic stress disorder.

• Co-occurring problems include:

− vulnerability (people with a learning disability, brain

injury or learning difficulty resulting, for instance,

from autistic spectrum disorder or dyslexia);

− the nature of the sentence (harm against women,

offences against children, bullying or recollection

of being a victim of abuse);

− personality disorder;

− physical and mental trauma and stress;

− sensory, motor or cognitive disability;

− social determinants of poor health.

Prison health care services must be able to address the

following priority areas:

• access as necessary to an appropriate level of care;

• continuity and coordination of care;

• adequate recording and transfer of medical

information;

• standardization of care for acute and chronic

conditions, based on scientific evidence;

• attention to patient safety to minimize risk of harm;

• the health needs of special populations, including

women and elderly and disabled people.

All health care services should be proficient in, or have

ready access to, specialists in mental health care and

drug dependence.

Mortality among the population involved with the criminal

justice system is much higher than among their peers in

the community, with the greatest risk to life immediately

after release from violence, self-harm, or drug and alcohol

intoxication (5,6). Primary and specialist services should

work closely to prepare prisoners for release and find

support thereafter.

Building blocks for primary care in prison

The quality of primary health care in prison depends on

many factors:

• the total resources available to the prison system;

• the state of development of primary health care

in the community, including entitlement to dental,

pharmacalogical and clinical investigations, and

the fluidity with which prisoners can intersect with

community health care resources (where medically

appropriate);

• the development of mental health care in the

community, specifically forensic psychiatry and

addiction treatment; and

• the qualifications and experience of prison-based

health professionals.

Within a prison, the factors that affect the quality of care

include:

• the size of the prison population;

• the commitment of the governor or director to the

health care of prisoners;

• the professional independence of doctors and clinical

managers from the prison management;

• the population dynamics of the institution, including

length of stay;

• gender;

• special health care needs, including for LGBT, young

and older people, people with a spectrum of disabilities

and non-native speakers (7).

Women have specific needs for care and protection in

prison (7,8 Rule 10). Their needs and rights have been

highlighted in Chapter 18, with supporting documents

ratified by United Nations agencies. Wherever possible,

women should receive medical treatment from women

nurses and doctors. A female prisoner is entitled to have

her request met that she be examined or treated by a female

physician or nurse. The prisoner’s preferences should also

be taken into consideration in the medical establishment

to which she is referred. If these arrangements are not

possible, there must be a female supervisor during her

examination in line with the prisoner’s request. The

prisoner should not be obliged to explain the reasons for

her preference.

Measuring performance in health care

Performance measurement is critical to the development

and maintenance of high-quality health care services.

The ability to measure performance depends on: (i) the

resources allocated to prison health care; and (ii) the

prison’s capacity for recording information and for having

achievable and recognized standards for good practice

that are aligned with the country’s public health system.

Key areas for measuring performance are:

• adequate facilities and medical equipment;

• equivalent standards and links with public health

services for consultations and transitions;

• knowledge of the population-based distribution of risk

and disease;

• a supportive prison culture;

177

Primary health care in prisons

• adequate staffing;

• compliance of clinical performance with evidencebased

guidelines;

• a focus on public health and health protection;

• a focus on health promotion;

• functional health information systems and transfer of

information.

Performance depends on adequate facilities and

processes that allow prisoners to access health resources

easily. This is an important matter, dependent on security

staff being able to escort prisoners and to provide safety

and assurance for health care staff. On balance, facilities

should allow for protection of confidentiality and privacy,

with assessment and diagnostic facilities that match

the skill and capacity of the public health service. More

complex primary care services can include day care and

inpatient accommodation. Facilities should be adequate

to deliver care, including of sufficient size and cleanliness,

with equipment, natural light, good access for people with

disabilities, and meeting, reference and administrative

facilities.

Equivalence to public health services requires national

prison health care services to adhere to national codes

of professional practice, standards of quality of care and

regulatory matters. A positive aspect of demonstrating

such equivalence is to use the same measures of quality

assessment for prison services as for:

• local public health services;

• national medical and professional institutions,

colleges, academies and independent prison

inspection teams;

• international organizations and comparable prison

systems.

Prison health services require the capacity to record and

understand the health needs of prisoners and to provide

care with:

• resources that are sufficient to meet patient needs;

• a prison culture that supports the health service and

the access of prisoners to health care;

• links to other rehabilitation and care resources in the

prison, between prisons and, following release, in the

community.

The prison director’s leadership is vital in creating an

environment in which prisoners and staff members value

good health, feel safe and support each other. There

should be a culture of respect and entitlement with:

• a humane health professional culture that respects

patients’ confidentiality and privacy and their right to

health care equivalent to that sought by the general

public;

• links to other functions of the prison;

• an effective comments and complaints system when

things go wrong;

• a sustained commitment to limiting the illegal supply

of and trade in alcohol and illicit and prescription

drugs.

Competencies of and support for prison

clinical staff

Quality of care should be ensured through the following

factors.

• Medical practitioners working in prison should strive

to have expertise, at least in general medical practice,

mental health, addictions and infection control. These

skills should be reflected in health care staff from

other disciplines.

• Dental practitioners should be well trained in severe

dental disease.

• Large establishments with specialist facilities (such

as hospitals and day care) should have adequate

staffing levels and skills to deal with seriously ill

patients.

• Prisons that contain women or young people should

employ practitioners with skills that are sensitive to

the particular conditions of these groups, including the

care of women and young children.

• All health care professionals should be properly

trained in the constraints of clinical practice in a

prison, including the need for high standards and

consistent practice, teamwork skills, good judgement

in prescribing potentially addictive or mood-altering

drugs, and adherence to policies designed to uphold

the confidence of vulnerable people who are patients

in prisons.

There must be sufficient time:

• to assess and treat patients;

• to meet as a health care team;

• to maintain professional development and networks

of fellow professionals with common interests and to

operate a method of appraisal that demonstrates that

staff are learning in carrying out modern practice;

• to support active teaching and training programmes;

and

• to have the capability to deliver care that meets

modern standards.

The primary care service should have access to or skills

or capacity in public health and health protection matters,

including to the Standard minimum rules for the treatment

of prisoners (2) as follows:

26. (1) The medical officer shall regularly inspect and advise

the director upon:

178

Prisons and health

(a) the quantity, quality, preparation and service of food;

(b) the hygiene and cleanliness of the institution and the

prisoners;

(c) the sanitation, heating, lighting and ventilation of the

institution;

(d) the suitability and cleanliness of the prisoners’ clothing

and bedding; and

(e) the observance of the rules concerning physical education

and sports, in cases where there is no technical personnel in

charge of these activities.

(2) The director shall take into consideration the reports and

advice that the medical officer submits according to rules

25(2) and 26 (see Box 4.1) and, in case he concurs with the

recommendations made, shall take immediate steps to give

effect to those recommendations; if they are not within his

competence or if he does not concur with them, he shall

immediately submit his own report and the advice of the

medical officer to higher authority.

Methods of self-critical review of critical incidents should

be in place for key events such as deaths in custody,

deaths following custody, infectious disease outbreaks,

suicide prevention programmes and people with serious

mental illness.

Health protection and promotion as part of primary

medical care in prison

Health promotion is an important part of the work of the

prison health care service.

• Health care professionals should be: educated, aware

and demonstrate high standards of hygienic practice;

capable of assessing the cleanliness of patients and all

prison facilities; and aware and capable of operating

effective TB control, including auditing the results.

• Effective control procedures are needed to limit the

transmission of bloodborne viruses and STIs.

• There should be a smoking control policy for health

centres, prisoners and staff throughout the prison.

A service should be developed that incorporates health

promotion into the wider work of the prison, such as:

• encouraging people to acquire basic life skills;

• encouraging training for employment and purposeful

activity;

• locating suitable accommodation after release;

• linking with welfare programmes and entitlements

after release;

• encouraging participation in programmes to help

people stop taking illegal and harmful drugs, smoking

tobacco and drinking excessive alcohol; and

• encouraging people to exercise regularly and to learn

to prepare and enjoy foods that provide a balanced

and nutritious diet.

Key background factors that are important for health

promotion for prisoners include:

• social, economic and life determinants of lifestyle

health problems;

• overcrowding, smoking, drugs and dependence;

• ethnic diversity, language and religion in the context

of drugs and mental health;

• disability, especially intellectual or developmental

disability or brain disease;

• alcohol and dental health;

• nutrition and infections;

• poor hygiene;

• sexual health and chronic conditions;

• chaotic, unstructured lifestyles;

• abusive relationships;

• poor educational attainment;

• personality disorders;

• lack of assets or social capital;

• history of past abuse;

• poor family cohesion, parenting and supportive

relationships.

Health services in prison should ensure that patients’

health records are kept at a high standard, equivalent to

best practice in the national public health service, and

including:

• practical processes for recording, recalling and

sharing clinical information to support the care of the

patient;

• standard methods for reporting to the prison director,

national prison services and outside organizations on

the work of prison health centres and accounting for

the delivery of health care, using anonymous data

extracted from health care records;

• a comments and complaints system for patients both

to correct apparent faults and to learn from their

experience.

Prison health care should have good links with public

health services outside the prison, for many reasons,

including:

• assuring the continuation of treatment for patients

coming into prison;

• securing primary care services, mental health and

addictions care and other continuing care following

release from prison;

• ensuring access to specialist services, including secure

forensic psychiatry facilities for those who require it;

• ensuring access to specialist public health help in the

event of an incident or outbreak;

179

Primary health care in prisons

• ensuring that prison health care staff can access and

benefit from education and training opportunities; and

• allowing for the sharing of clinical information between

health professional staff for the purpose of direct

patient care, in accordance with the patient’s wishes

and with good practice in ensuring confidentiality.

References

1. Primary health care. Report of the International

Conference on Primary Health Care, Alma-Ata,

USSR, 6–12 September 1978. Geneva, World Health

Organization, 1978 (Health for All Series, No. 1)

(http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/9241800011.

pdf, accessed 15 September 2006).

2. Standard minimum rules for the treatment of prisoners.

New York, NY, United Nations, 1955 (http://www.

unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6b36e8.html, accessed

10 November 2013).

3. Fazel S, Baillargeon J. The health of prisoners. The

Lancet, 2010, 377(9769):956–965.

4. Gatherer A et al. Public health leadership, social

justice and the socially marginalised. Public Health,

2010, 124:617–619 (and associated articles).

5. Karaminia A et al. Extreme cause-specific mortality

in a cohort of adult prisoners – 1988–2002: a datalinkage

study. International Journal of Epidemiology,

2007, 36:310–316.

6. Graham L et al. Estimating mortality of people who

have been in prison in Scotland. Edinburgh, Chief

Scientist Office, 2011 (http://www.cso.scot.nhs.uk/

Publications/ExecSumms/OctNov2010/GrahamPH.

pdf, accessed 8 December 2013).

7. Handbook for prison managers and policymakers on

women and imprisonment. Vienna, United Nations

Office on Drugs and Crime, 2008 (Criminal Justice

Handbook Series, section 6.3) (http://www.unodc.org/

pdf/criminal_justice/Handbook_on_Women_and_

Imprisonment.pdf, accessed 8 December 2013).

8. United Nations Rules for the Treatment of Women

Prisoners and Non-custodial Measures for Women

Offenders (the Bangkok Rules). New York, NY, United

Nations, 2010 (Resolution 2010/16) (http://www.

un.org/en/ecosoc/docs/2010/res%202010-16.pdf,

accessed 8 December 2013).

Further reading

Caraher M et al. Are health-promoting prisons an

impossibility? Lessons from England and Wales. Health

Education, 2002, 102:219–229.

Recommendation No. R (98) 7 of the Committee of

Ministers to member states concerning the ethical and

organisational aspects of health care in prison. Strasbourg,

Council of Europe, 1998 (http://legislationline.org/

documents/action/popup/id/8069, accessed 7 November

2013).

Recommendation No. R (2006) 2 of the Committee of

Ministers to member states on the European Prison Rules.

Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 2006 (https://wcd.coe.int/

ViewDoc.jsp?id=955747, accessed 7 November 2013).

Health promoting prisons: a shared approach. London,

Department of Health, 2002 (http://webarchive.national

archives.gov.uk/+/www.dh.gov.uk/en/Publicationsand

statistics/Publications/PublicationsPolicyAndGuidance/

DH_4006230, accessed 8 December 2013).

Ewles L, Simnet I. Health promotion: a practical guide.

London, Bailliere Tindall, 1999.

European Health Committee. The organisation of health

care services in prisons in European member states.

Strasbourg, Council of Europe, 1998.

Hayton P, Boyington J. Prisons and health reforms in

England and Wales. American Journal of Public Health,

2006, 96:1730–1733.

Marshall T, Simpson S, Stevens A. Health care needs

assessment in prisons: a toolkit. Journal of Public Health

Medicine, 2001, 23(3):198–204.

Clinical governance audit framework. Edinburgh, Scottish

Prison Service, 2005.

Competency framework for nursing staff working within

the Scottish Prison Service. Edinburgh, Scottish Prison

Service and NHS Education for Scotland, 2005.

A guide to health needs assessment in Scottish prisons.

Edinburgh, Scottish Prison Service/NHS Scotland, 2006.

180

21. Promoting health in prisons: a settings approach

Michelle Baybutt, Enrique Acin, Paul Hayton, Mark Dooris

Key points

• Prisoners tend to have much poorer physical, mental

and social health than the population at large.

• Health promotion and the prevention of disease for

this group should be based on an assessment of health

needs.

• The quantity and quality of service should be at

least equivalent to services offered in the outside

community.

• A whole-prison or settings approach to promoting

health draws on three key elements: (i) prison policies

that promote health (such as a smoking policy); (ii) an

environment in a prison that is supportive of health;

and (iii) disease prevention, health education and

other health promotion initiatives that address the

health needs assessed within each prison.

• A policy framework needs to be in place at national

and local levels to support this type of work.

• Prison health services have the chance to engage

those who are hard to reach.

• The needs of prisoners should be considered together

with those of staff, where appropriate, especially

in such areas as smoking restrictions and smoking

cessation.

• All staff members need to be made aware of their

potential roles in promoting prisoners’ health and

should be trained and supported in these roles.

• The potential for using prisoners as effective peer

educators has been demonstrated in many countries

and can be of great value.

Introduction

In addition to providing health care, prisons should also

provide synergistic health education, patient education,

prevention and other health promotion interventions

to meet the assessed needs of the prison population.

Indeed, the whole prison regime and environment should

demonstrate a commitment to health and well-being

through supportive policies and practices. To underpin and

support health promotion activities in prisons, there is a

need for integrated and joined-up health services across

the whole criminal justice system, including adequate

throughcare and support with broad resettlement

needs. Good health and well-being are key to successful

rehabilitation and resettlement (1–3).

This chapter offers guidance to help those working with

prisoners to:

• build the physical, mental, social and spiritual health

of prisoners (and, where appropriate, the staff) as part

of a whole-prison approach;

• help prevent the deterioration of their health during or

because of custody; and,

• help them to adopt healthy behaviour patterns that

can be taken back into the community.

A whole-prison approach to health promotion is advocated,

with extended use of evidence-informed health promotion

initiatives.

Challenges and opportunities

In general, the prison populations in Europe come from

sections of society with high levels of poor health and

social exclusion. Prisoners tend to have poorer physical,

mental and social health than the general population

(2–5). Their lifestyles are more likely to put them at risk

of ill health. Many prisoners have had little or no regular

contact with health services before entering prison. Mental

illness, drug dependence and communicable diseases are

the dominant health problems among prisoners (6).

Prison authorities should regularly assess the health needs

of their populations, and ensure that health promotion and

prevention programmes provided to prisoners meet their

exact needs (7). The prison environment presents special

challenges in the promotion of health.

The prison environment often undermines the values

aligned to health promotion, such as empowerment (1).

At the individual level, prison takes away autonomy and

may inhibit or damage self-esteem. Common problems

in prisons include bullying, boredom and overcrowding.

Social exclusion on release from prison may be worsened

as family ties are stressed by separation while in prison.

A health-promoting prison may, however, be instrumental

in tackling health inequalities and reducing social exclusion

(3), and present significant and useful opportunities for

health promotion (8).

• Prison can offer access to disadvantaged groups that

would normally be considered hard to reach. This

creates an opportunity to address inequality in health

by means of specific health interventions, and to lessen

the impact on prisoners’ health and self-reliance from

years of disadvantage and personal neglect through,

for example:

181

Promoting health in prisons: a settings approach

− developing their capacity to improve personal

skills, abilities and education;

− improving the physical and social environments of

the prison and their impact on mental well-being;

− improving the management of the prison and daily

prison regime;

− establishing synergistic models of working with

the external community.

• Prison is sometimes the only opportunity for an ordered

approach to assessing and addressing the health needs

of prisoners who have led chaotic lifestyles prior to

imprisonment. It is, therefore, important to provide

information, education and support in building the skills,

confidence and self-esteem necessary for individuals to

be empowered to make choices relating to health.

• Prison is a home to prisoners and a workplace to

staff. Wherever possible, initiatives to promote the

health of staff should be encouraged – both for their

own well-being and in recognition that a healthy and

motivated workforce is more able to promote the

health of prisoners.

• Each prison has the potential to go beyond the delivery

of specific health promotion interventions and to work

towards being a healthy setting, that is, adopting a

whole-prison approach to addressing physical, mental,

social and spiritual health (9).

• The development of an ethos and environment

supportive to health is fundamental to the creation of a

health-promoting prison, together with a participatory

process that responds to assessed needs and

harnesses assets across the whole prison community

so as to promote well-being.

The health promotion needs of prisoners

An assessment of health needs lies at the heart of

successful interventions and useful outcomes. This can

be done by examining the epidemiological evidence and

talking to the stakeholders (prisoners, doctors, health care

staff, education and other prison staff).

The following lists provide a starting point for needs

assessment in prisons (7). They focus both on defined

health needs and on wider policy and practice (such as

in the area of smoking policy) with the potential to have

a more favourable impact on prisoners’ health and wellbeing.

This demonstrates the move from a biomedical

perspective towards a more holistic and social model of

health that is aligned to the whole-prison approach, with

its more joined-up organizational response.

All prisoners are likely to need:

• appropriate screening for and advice on preventing

communicable diseases (such as STIs, HIV and

hepatitis);

• advice and education on high-risk lifestyles (relating,

for example, to illegal drugs, alcohol, smoking and

passive smoking);

• support in adopting healthy behaviour (for example,

increased levels of physical activity and a balanced

diet);

• measures to promote mental health (for example, for

social interaction, meaningful occupation and building

and maintaining strong family relationships).

Many prisoners are likely to need:

• training and support in psychological skills (such

as cognitive behaviour, self-esteem and anger

management);

• education in health and empowerment (including

information about risk factors and behaviour, the

development of decision-making skills and support in

becoming more empowered);

• development of life-skills (for, for example, looking for

work, employability and parenting);

• specific health promotion interventions (such as peer

support, mentoring and smoking cessation).

Some prisoners are likely to need:

• education related to specific illnesses (such as HIV and

TB), including the options for treatment and prevention

of transmission;

• immunization (TB, pneumococcus, hepatitis, influenza);

• advice on specific conditions (diabetes, epilepsy,

asthma, sickle-cell disease);

• access to cancer prevention and advice and services

for early detection;

• special treatment programmes (for example, protection

from gender-based violence);

• gender-specific health care treatment and programmes.

A whole-prison approach: a vision for

creating a health-promoting prison

Evidence from other healthy settings initiatives (such as

Healthy Hospitals, Healthy Cities and Healthy Schools)

has increasingly shown that effective programmes are

likely to be complex and multifactoral and involve activity

in more than one domain (10). Thus it is important to apply

the healthy settings model to criminal justice and develop

a whole-prison approach if health interventions are to

have a chance of success (Boxes 4, 5).

The settings approach is rooted in core values and

characterized by an ecological model of public health,

a systems perspective and a whole-organization focus

(11,12). When this framework is applied to the criminal

justice system, it is clear that a health-promoting prison

is one that is also safe, secure and reforming, and is

underpinned by a commitment to participation, equity,

182

Prisons and health

partnership, human rights, respect and decency. The

concept of decency is a particularly important foundation

for promoting health because it underpins all aspects of

prison life. This means that:

• prisoners should be offered treatment that respects

the law;

• promised standards should be delivered;

• facilities should be maintained that are clean and

properly equipped;

• prompt attention should be paid to prisoners’ proper

concerns;

• prisoners should be protected from harm;

• prisoners should be provided with a regime that makes

imprisonment bearable;

• staff should be treated fairly and consistently (9).

An ecological model of public health means understanding

health as a holistic concept determined by a complex

interaction of environmental, organizational and

personal factors, that requires prisons to be committed

to supporting the health and well-being of prisoners and

staff through their systems and structures.

At Risley prison (a medium security “training prison” for about 1000 men), a three-year health promotion strategy

was developed, using a whole-systems approach to improving and promoting health. A multidisciplinary team

of committed prison staff and external partners, together with prisoners, developed the Healthy Prisons health

improvement plan to embed a whole-prison approach to health and well-being. This group also monitors the

effectiveness of interventions and projects. In addition to a broad range of health services reflecting those

available in the local community and mirroring the topics advocated in Prison Service Order 3200 – Health

Promotion (13), the prison has focused attention on particular areas, such as prisoners as peer educators and

interventions to help prisoners deal with being in prison.

Styal is a prison for female offenders, with an average daily population of up to 460 prisoners serving mainly

short sentences or awaiting trial. It is one of the largest women’s prisons in the United Kingdom (England and

Wales). Approximately 80% of the women originate from the north-west of England; 50% are primary carers

or mothers (around 55% of women in prison have a child aged under 16 years, 33% have a child under 5 years

and 20% are lone parents); 40% are in custody for the first time; 75% have significant literacy or numeracy

problems; and 80% have serious drug and addiction problems.

The prison is running a horticultural project called Grow Your Way to Personal Success with a small number of

adult and young offenders, funded as part of the Big Lottery Fund, Target: Well-being programme. It is a threestage

project that focuses on growing produce, using it in the prison’s self-catering houses in educational

cookery sessions and developing learning cards so that prisoners can pass on what they have learnt to other

people in the prison and to families outside the prison. Bee-keeping and recycling are also key features of this

project.

The project has prison-wide commitment as well as community-based partnerships that are enabling prisoners

to develop life and social skills (such as those fundamental for employment and independent living), improve

their literacy and numeracy and increase their qualifications. It has also had a positive impact on their health

and well-being, particularly mental well-being, by encouraging resilience, confidence, self-esteem and

reductions in self-injury.

In addition, the prison gardens have become a focal point for visitors to the prison, for staff to relax during

breaks and for prisoners (both those who work there and those who visit), with a recognizably positive impact

on prisoners’ mental well-being (they sleep better and are less anxious and more relaxed) and physical health

(through exercise).

Box 4. Development of a whole-prison approach through a multidisciplinary team at a prison in

the United Kingdom

Box 5. A holistic health project that develops self-esteem through horticulture and growing food

183

Promoting health in prisons: a settings approach

A systems perspective means acknowledging that the

various parts of the prison system (and not solely the

health care service) work together over a wide range of

health and social issues and across the wider offender

pathway of the criminal justice system before, during and

after prison.

A whole-system focus means using organizational

development to introduce and manage change throughout

the prison, with a concern to:

• ensure living and working environments that promote

health and effectively rehabilitate prisoners;

• integrate health and well-being within the culture and

core business of the prison; and

• forge connections to the wider community.

In putting this healthy settings framework into operation,

a strategic approach for health-promoting prisons could

comprise three elements:

• creation of an environment within each prison,

through procedural and capacity-building measures,

that is supportive of health and the concept of decency

(that is, making sure that the prison regime in general

supports prisoners’ well-being);

• implementation of policies that specifically promote

the health of staff and prisoners (in areas such as

taking exercise or reducing or stopping smoking);

and

• delivery of disease prevention, health education

and other health promotion initiatives that address

the health needs in each prison (for example, using

motivational interviewing with individual prisoners to

help them adopt healthy behaviour) (9).

A national approach: United Kingdom Prison

Service Order 3200

Prison Service Orders are mandatory for prison governors,

who have to apply them in their own prisons. Prison

Service Order 3200 Health Promotion is a high-level

policy instruction from the Prison Service for the United

Kingdom (England and Wales) to encourage a wholeprison

approach to creating a health-promoting prison. It

states the following (11):

Governors, working in partnership with the National Health

Service, must ensure that ... they have included health

promotion considerations adequately and explicitly within

their local planning mechanisms … The Health Promotion

Section in the local plan must specifically address, as a

minimum, needs in the five major areas:

1. mental health promotion and well-being

2. smoking

3. healthy eating and nutrition

4. healthy lifestyles, including sex and relationships and

active living

5. drugs and other substance misuse.

These areas of health and well-being should reflect a process

of health needs assessment and not just health care needs

assessment, and should involve a whole prison approach.

Consultation should represent a wide variety of professional

stakeholders, and prisoners must also be involved in this

process.

Prison Service Order 3200 has helped to raise the profile

of health promotion and the important contribution prisons

can make to public health in the United Kingdom (England

and Wales).

References

1. Woodall J. Health Promoting Prisons: an overview and

critique of the concept. Prison Service Journal, 2012,

202:6–12.

2. deViggiani N. Unhealthy prisons: exploring structural

determinants of prison health. Sociology of Health and

Illness, 2007, 29(1):115–135.

3. deViggiani N. Creating a healthy prison: developing a

system wide approach to public health within an English

prison. Prison Service Journal, 2012, 202:12–19.

4. Reducing reoffending by ex-prisoners. London, Social

Exclusion Unit, 2002.

5. deViggiani N. Surviving prison: exploring prison social

life as a determinant of health. International Journal

of Prisoner Health, 2006, 2(2):71–89.

6. Hayton P, van den Bergh B, Moller L. Health protection

in prisons. The Madrid Recommendation. Public

Health, 2010, 124(11):635–636.

7. Marshall T, Simpson S, Stevens A. Toolkit for health

care needs assessment in prisons. Birmingham,

University of Birmingham, 2000. (http://webarchive.

nationalarchives.gov.uk/20130107105354/http://www.

dh.gov.uk/prod_consum_dh/groups/dh_digitalassets/

@dh/@en/documents/digitalasset/dh_4034355.pdf,

accessed 6 November 2013).

8. Baybutt M, Hayton P, Dooris M. Prisons in England

& Wales: an important public health opportunity? In:

Douglas J et al., eds. A reader in promoting public

health: challenge & controversy. London, Open

University Press, 2007:237–245.

9. Health promoting prisons: a shared approach [web

site]. London, Department of Health, 2002 (http://

webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/+/www.dh.gov.uk/

en/Publicationsandstatistics/Publications/Publications

PolicyAndGuidance/DH_4006230, accessed 6 November

2013).

10. Stewart-Brown S. What is the evidence on school

health promotion in improving health or preventing

184

Prisons and health

disease and, specifically, what is the effectiveness of

the health promoting schools approach? Copenhagen,

WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2006 (http://www.

euro.who.int/document/e88185.pdf, accessed

6 November 2013).

11. Dooris M. Healthy settings: challenges to generating

evidence of effectiveness. Health Promotion

International, 2005, 21(1):55–65.

12. Dooris M et al. Healthy settings: building evidence for

the effectiveness of whole system health promotion

– challenges & future directions. In: McQueen DV,

Jones CV, eds. Global perspectives on health

promotion effectiveness. New York, NY, Springer

Science & Business Media, 2007:327–352.

13. Prison Service Order 3200 – Health Promotion. London,

HM Prison Service for England and Wales, 2003.

Further reading

Burgess-Allen J, Langlois M, Whittaker P. The health

needs of ex-prisoners, implications for successful

resettlement: a qualitative study. International Journal of

Prisoner Health, 2006, 2:291–301.

Caraher M et al. Are health-promoting prisons an

impossibility? Lessons from England and Wales. Health

Education, 2002, 102:219–229.

Cassidy J et al. Assessing prisoners’ health needs: a

cross-sectional survey of two male prisons, using selfcompletion

questionnaires. Prison Service Journal, 1998,

November:35–38.

Improving health, supporting justice: the national delivery

plan of the Health and Criminal Justice Programme Board.

London, Department of Health, 2009.

Dooris M. Holistic and sustainable health improvement:

the contribution of the settings-based approach to health

promotion. Perspectives in Public Health, 2009, 129(1):

29–36.

Dooris M, Hunter D. Organisations & settings for

promoting public health. In: Lloyd C et al., eds. Policy

& practice in promoting public health. London, Open

University, 2007:95–125.

Ewles L, Simnet I. Health promotion: a practical guide.

London, Bailliere Tindall, 1999.

Harris F, Hek G, Condon L. Health needs of prisoners in

England and Wales: the implications for prison healthcare

of gender, age and ethnicity. Health and Social Care in the

Community, 2006, 15(1):56–66.

Hayton P, Boyington J. Prisons and health reforms in

England and Wales. American Journal of Public Health,

2006, 96:1730–1733.

Marshall T, Simpson S, Stevens A. Health care in prisons.

A health care needs assessment. Birmingham, University

of Birmingham, 2000.

Marshall T, Simpson S, Stevens A. Use of health services

by prison inmates: comparisons with the community.

Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 2001,

55:364–365.

McQueen DV, Jones CV, eds. Global perspectives on

health promotion effectiveness. New York, NY, Springer

Science & Business Media, 2007:327–352.

Mental health promotion in prisons: a consensus

statement. In: Mental health promotion in prisons: report

on a WHO meeting. Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for

Europe, 1999 (http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/

pdf_file/0007/99016/E64328.pdf, accessed 6 November

2013).

Preventing social exclusion. London, Social Exclusion

Unit, 2004.

Watson R, Stimpson A, Hostick T. Prison health care: a

review of the literature. International Journal of Nursing

Studies, 2004, 41:119–128.

Whitehead D. The health promoting prison (HPP) and its

imperative for nursing. International Journal of Nursing

Studies, 2006, 43:123–131.

185

22. Staff health and well-being in prisons: leadership and

training

Andrew Fraser

Key points

• A successful prison ensures safe custody and good

order within an environment of respect and decency.

• Prison management has a key role to ensure that staff

and prisoners alike feel safe and have opportunities to

maintain and improve their health.

• Prisons have duties to care for both staff and prisoners

and offer an opportunity to maintain and improve

public health, encourage good health for the individual

and offer a rewarding and fulfilling career for staff.

• Prisons can, by reputation and experience, be

hazardous and stressful places for staff. It need not be

this way. Leadership and staff training are fundamental

to ensure that employees can work productively, act as

role models for prisoners, be healthy and be confident

of support in the event of illness or injury.

• Prisons should aim to be healthy workplaces. They

should apply the same safe systems of work, good

health and safety practices and systems of employee

support as other front-line public services.

• All staff in prisons should recognize the importance of

balancing the need for safe custody and control on the

one hand, and care and rehabilitation on the other. The

needs for custody and order should not infringe human

rights.

• All prison staff should have basic training in the laws

and duties of care for prisoners, the right to health and

access to health care in prison as in the community,

the ethical duties of staff and health professionals

working in prisons, and the ability to deal with health

emergencies and administer first aid.

• To provide a consistent level of service and

understanding, it is proposed that all prison systems

have a core curriculum for health for all staff working

in prisons, with added elements to support further

development and updates for managers and leaders.

Introduction

Successful prison systems ensure safe custody and good

order for detainees, but also opportunities for rehabilitation

and reintegration on release back into the community.

Effective prisons provide health care to a standard

equivalent to that available in the community, which can

only be achieved when prison management and staff all

understand and promote health and health care within

a “healthy prisons” approach (1). Good health in prisons

cannot flourish without an environment of safe custody and

good order and without prisoners and staff feeling safe.

Only then can all staff working together produce the kind of

setting that protects and promotes health. In many countries,

prison authorities have not appreciated their potential for

benefit to the community, as leading employers of staff and

rehabilitation settings for prisoners.

There is a significant opportunity for staff to create a

healthy prison that benefits prisoners, staff and the wider

community because “good prison health is essential

to good public health” (2). Leadership is key to creating

an ethos in prisons of upholding human rights and a

full acceptance of the dignity, respect and self-efficacy

of individuals. An effective, efficient and healthy prison

requires adequate levels of staffing, with proper training,

a mix of disciplines and specific expertise in key important

areas. Policies and practices should be in place to prevent

violence, threats and stress and to provide effective plans

and interventions to cope when things go wrong.

This chapter describes the challenges for prisons as

healthy settings for their staff, frameworks and examples

for good practice, and the essential and core requirements

for staff training and prison leadership in health.

Health and the prison

Prison is a place where detainees live and staff work.

Often, each group perceives that they lead separate

lives, but prisoners and staff have many aspects in

common – often similar social backgrounds and, in

small communities, possibly similar social networks. In

prisons, staff and prisoners share the same space, air for

breathing and water for washing or drinking, and face the

same physical hazards of the prison environment. Above

all, they have a common humanity.

The prison is a special setting – both an institution where

people may live for long or short periods and a workplace.

Prison staff have several roles, with a focus on control and

security within a high-risk environment balanced with care

for people with complex characteristics and problems.

The stressful workplace

Often, prison is a stressful and hazardous place to work,

and the need for staff to be aware of and to maintain

186

Prisons and health

their health is, therefore, strong. Prison systems can

experience increasing absence rates due to stress, burnout

and alcohol and drug use, often connected with

the conditions of work. The combination of poor health

and prolonged absence from work often leads to early

retirement or to retirement with physical and mental

problems, at significant costs to individuals, their families

and the prison system.

The growing scale of penal institutions worldwide, and

rising expectations from and duties imposed on them,

means that urgent attention should be given to the

pressure on staff. Current problems that affect staff

and prisoners alike include overcrowding, intercultural

conflicts, violence and gang crime, language problems,

drug use, ageing buildings in poor repair and, frequently,

insufficient staff levels with poor training to support them.

The experience of working in prisons has not been

widely studied but it is clear that, while there is a need

for safe systems in all workplaces, there is a particular

requirement for these in prisons. Studies have drawn

attention to the paradox of high levels of discontent not

due primarily to stress from working with prisoners, but

to organizational conditions and relationships between

authorities and staff.

Risk factors and stress among prison

employees

Studies of the health of prison staff have outlined

problems arising from stress, particularly reflecting on

the interaction between work and distinct factors in the

prison setting. Goffman (3) recognized that prison staff

work in a closed and “total” system, with a high degree

of professional isolation. Strict routines and regimes,

hierarchy, depersonalized relationships and bureaucracy

serve to remove some amount of control for staff over

their work circumstances. Communication between

authorities and staff in prisons and old methods of

personnel management compound these problems.

Staff members need support to define their roles and

identities with respect to the prisoners and to work

through the divide between the necessary activities of

security and basic services and growing expectations for

their involvement in the care and rehabilitation process.

Prison staff have to reconcile their roles between care

and control, between being a guard and a helper. This

challenge is greater in countries that lack respect and

esteem for the contribution of prisons in society and

where the media popularly focus on the withdrawal of

liberty and punishment.

There should be wider moves to alter public attitudes

towards prison. Management methods and structures

in some prison systems need to be modernized to allow

staff more control and influence over the circumstances of

their work and to enable them to challenge and influence

management. In turn, staff may respond better to the

challenge of engaging with prisoners in moving towards

rehabilitation, which should engender mutual respect

and better relationships between prisoner and staff, and

empower staff within the controlled environment. The net

effect of these improvements would have a direct effect

on staff health and well-being.

Health risk factors for prison staff

Prisons can be hazardous locations. Large and sometimes

old buildings, they are crowded and can be inadequately

staffed while holding the most dangerous individuals in the

community who are capable of harm to others, including

other prisoners and members of staff. The net effect of

prisons that do not address these realities shows in stress

that affects people mentally, physically and cognitively.

Adverse events and long-term poor working environments

can result in post-traumatic stress disorder and similar

conditions. While absence levels, vacancy rates and staff

turnover may rise or remain high, other matters (such

as misuse of coffee, cigarettes and alcohol, poor eating

habits and use of medication) are also indicators of a

poorly functioning workplace.

Successful prison systems rely on managing these factors

through modern and enlightened employment practices.

Reward and recognition schemes, opportunities for

career progression and occupational health services are

necessary components in strategies to address stress and

poor working conditions. Good employers ensure that a

good team spirit and productive work is encouraged and

recognized, and that there is peer support. Mentoring

schemes are modern and cost-effective developments.

Prisons need to go to extra lengths to be seen as healthy

workplaces and to attract and retain a healthy and

committed workforce.

The healthy workplace should be a realistic goal for all

employers, and most countries require prison systems

to comply with health and safety laws, regulations and

conventions. It is fundamental that prison systems have

safe systems of work and that they recognize hazards and

mitigate risks. If adverse and critical events occur, there

should be contingency plans to manage them well and to

support staff who are harmed or witness harm occurring.

The wider environment of the good workplace is that

the employer rewards the staff reliably, puts in place

welfare schemes for necessary absences and following

retirement, and ensures support in adversity, not only for

sickness and injury at work but also for those who witness

traumatic incidents.

187

Staff health and well-being in prisons: leadership and training

Good employers in the prison system plan for

contingencies and train staff to cope. They will also offer

a range of opportunities for assisting staff in the event

of personal trouble, whether related to work or personal

circumstances. This will ensure that the workforce remains

committed to its task and less vulnerable to corruption

or compromise with prisoners, and will underpin the

performance of the workforce as a coherent team.

For prisons to be successful as institutions that employ

staff and detain prisoners, they need:

• workforce policies, applied consistently;

• capable management that is firm and fair to staff and

prisoners;

• enforcement and monitoring processes that are

transparent and reasonable for staff who are unable

to comply with the policies or who are found not to;

• an occupational health system that underpins these

policies and practices.

A member of staff who sustains an injury as a result of

his or her work should have access to prompt and expert

treatment, suitable rehabilitation and a programme

for return to work that suits his or her abilities or takes

residual health problems into account.

Staff who have drug and alcohol problems or bloodborne

virus infections resulting from risky lifestyles require

approaches that support and motivate them to recover

and contribute effectively to their work. For those whose

work is persistently affected by problems of misuse,

proper sanctions should be available.

Many prisons have smoking control policies for staff, not

only in the interests of safety and security in the workplace

but also for the general health of staff and prisoners

alike. Smoking restrictions should be consistent and

complementary with policies and entitlements for prisoners.

Staff have a very important part to play as role models

in the rehabilitation of those in their care, engendering a

culture of positive health that is an important contributor

to a healthy workplace for everyone in the prison.

Health promotion programmes to support

employees

Several countries operate programmes that promote good

health in the workplace. WHO supports such programmes

globally and regionally.

In the United Kingdom (Scotland), all prisons and the

Prison Service headquarters subscribe to the Healthy

Working Lives Award scheme that supports employers and

employees in developing practical health promotion and

safety themes in the workplace. The scheme encourages

development of programmes, staff involvement and

workplace engagement with the wider community. It is

suitable for all settings, including prisons.

In Germany, a progressive scheme of prison-based health

promotion began in 1997 in association with the WHO

Health in Prisons project and has spread widely across

the country. It has attracted support from politicians and

ministries, who now realize the meaning and practical use

of health promotion strategies and actively support their

implementation.

The WHO publication Health in prisons (4) contains a

checklist for action and initiatives for self-help in prisons,

as follows:

• set up a health promotion group (quality circle);

• conduct internal public relations work in penal

institutions;

• set up health information centres;

• provide assistance in health target and service

agreements;

• initiate service agreements concerning drug abuse;

• raise money for work;

• prepare and carry out an interview survey for staff

about their health status;

• prepare and carry out health days;

• prepare and carry out information days on such topics

as drugs, bullying and stress;

• prepare stress management seminars;

• organize consultations on nutrition;

• organize fitness and sports;

• organize fitness offers;

• offer supervision for team consultations;

• promote get-together activities (such as team parties

or hiking);

• improve nutrition during work, such as fruit in the

canteen and a water cooler;

• encourage problem and crisis consultations with

colleagues;

• mediate drug, crisis or debt consultations;

• set up regional working groups for exchanging

experience;

• offer support to stop smoking.

Health awareness

The positive features of health awareness among staff are

that it will aid their own basic training, support their own

well-being, support and influence those they supervise

while acting as role models and develop a framework for

staff training.

The foundation of health awareness is the culture in

prisons. They should be safe, secure and those within

188

Prisons and health

its walls should feel an individual benefit from health

awareness measures. Safe custody and good order in

prisons, as well as an atmosphere of respect and decency

in adequate surroundings, are fundamental to good health.

Prison staff training in health

Prison staff require training in health matters if they are

to achieve adequate levels of health, starting with basic

measures to create a safe working and living environment.

This chapter does not set out to prescribe the requirements

for health professionals working in prison, but focuses on

staff whose prime responsibilities lie elsewhere.

All staff working in prisons need a basic level of knowledge

and understanding of health issues.

They need to be aware of the impact of the overall prison

environment on health and of how their working methods

and attitudes can enhance rather than hinder the wellbeing

of vulnerable people in their care (5). The public

health importance of their work should be underlined

(6). Such awareness and knowledge about health should

be built into induction training programmes as well as

into basic training, and there should be regular updates

in specific subject areas. The relationship between the

health of staff and of prisoners should be linked to matters

such as standards of conduct, management of risks such

as self-harm and suicide, and their role in detecting

those who need further care, help in coping and in the

prevention of serious harm such as suicide and injury to

others. First aid training should be included, including

recent developments in mental health first aid.

Managers, leaders and decision-making

The principles of health and disease and the organization

and objectives of health care should be core subjects in

induction programmes for senior and middle managers.

Continuing professional education should include

updates on more recent thinking on health protection,

health promotion and quality and governance in health

care. Simple facts regarding the health status of the

offender population, such as about clinical diseases and

an understanding of mental ill health, drug problems and

other addictions, should be provided. Some reference

material and special short courses would add value.

Senior staff should understand their leadership role within

prisons in protecting and promoting health and wellbeing,

including mental health. They need to know the

purpose and objectives of the prison health services, both

in support and independently of custody and operational

matters, and the ways in which prison management

can aid good prison health care. The difficult subject of

dual loyalty of prison health staff should be included for

discussion, including the reasons why health staff must

obey professional good practice guidelines and rules of

confidentiality so that good patient–doctor relationships

can be the norm.

Health care professionals

The basic professional training of health staff should

be the same as for doctors and nurses working in the

community health services in the country. In postqualification

terms, the first essential is that health staff

must be aware of prison management techniques and

approaches to working safely in a secure setting, and

their application within that country and in that particular

prison. This would include effective prison practice, any

special circumstances affecting prison management, and

the overall aims and objectives of prison management. In

clinical subjects, they need further training in the main

health problems facing prisoners, such as poor mental

health, addictions and clinical disease including TB,

HIV/AIDS and hepatitis. They also need further training,

as appropriate, relating to the types of prisoner held in

particular institutions, such as young people, women and

foreign nationals.

Maintaining professional standards

Professional isolation in prison work is a risk as regards

maintaining clinical standards. All health professionals

working in prisons should have active and meaningful

links to the health professional organizations within

their countries. Such links may need to be especially

strong in specific cases and sometimes in the setting of

their work (addiction, mental health, women’s health and

so on). Ideally, professionals should hold some clinical

responsibilities outside prisons. Aside from maintaining

the quality of clinical practice, this extra perspective can

be important for the image of their work in the eyes of

fellow professionals and may enhance respect between

the prisoner as a patient and the doctor concerned.

Clinical governance and performance

monitoring

Clear arrangements should be made for the management

of prison staff and their employment, well-being and

health. Training and learning should be shared with other

staff who are in direct contact with prisoners with respect

to the vital functions of prisons where responsibilities

are shared, such as support for people with addictions,

mental health crises and suicide attempts.

Facilities and arrangements should be available for staff

training, associated with a public health system in the

case of health care staff. Continuing training should be

recognized and accepted as a priority for both staff and

management. Part of the ethos of any training framework

should include a discussion of simple ethical decision189

Staff health and well-being in prisons: leadership and training

making steps and opportunities for discussion of case

studies and challenging or critical situations in operations

and practice.

Health and equality is an important part of training. Some

prison systems go further to meet their duties of care and

compliance with the law regarding, for instance, equality

in mental health matters or learning disabilities. Physical

disability is an emerging issue as prison populations

rise in number and groups with particular health needs

(such as women and older people) grow more rapidly.

Specific training should be available for staff who care for

prisoners with particular needs and wider considerations.

Conclusion

Staff well-being, training and effectiveness, not only in

ensuring secure custody but also in delivering care for

prisoners, are interlinked and are important elements

of a successful prison system. Staff have an interest in

their own health as well as the health of those for whom

they have responsibility. The workplace should ensure

that health, safety and security for staff and ways of

recognizing and dealing with stressful situations are

well-founded through leadership and good training.

Staff should understand their roles in the protection and

creation of good health as well as facts relating to ill health

and disease. A good employment environment as well as

physical surroundings and cultural norms that promote

health and positive role models are integral to successful

prison work, rehabilitation for offenders and improving

levels of public health which will all benefit prison staff,

prisoners, their families and the wider community.

References

1. Mental health promotion in prisons: report on a

WHO meeting. Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office

for Europe, 1999 (http://www.euro.who.int/__data/

assets/pdf_file/0007/99016/E64328.pdf, accessed

6 November 2013).

2. Declaration on prison health as part of public health.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2003

(http://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/

98971/E94242.pdf, accessed 6 November 2013).

3. Goffman E. Asylums. Essays on the social situation of

mental patients and other inmates. Harmondsworth,

Penguin, 1961.

4. Moller L et al., eds. Health in prisons: a WHO guide

to the essentials of prison health. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2007 (http://www.euro.

who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/99018/E90174.

pdf, accessed 6 November 2013).

5. Antonovsky A. Unravelling the mystery of health. San

Francisco, CA, Jossey-Bass, 1988.

6. Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion [web site].

Geneva, World Health Organization, 1986 (http://www.

who.int/healthpromotion/conferences/previous/ottawa/

en/index.html, accessed 6 November 2013).

Further reading

The Healthy Working Lives Award Programme [web

site]. Glasgow, NHS Health Scotland, 2013 (http://www.

healthyworkinglives.com/award/index.aspx, accessed

6 November 2013).

Occupational health [web site]. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2013 (http://www.euro.who.

int/en/what-we-do/health-topics/environment-andhealth/

occupational-health, accessed 6 November 2013).

Global strategy on occupational health for all: the way to

health at work [web site]. Copenhagen, WHO Regional

Office for Europe, 2013 (http://www.who.int/occupational_

health/globstrategy/en/, accessed 6 November 2013).

Final report of the Network Meeting on Prison and Health,

Abano Terme, Italy, 4–5 October 2011. Copenhagen, WHO

Regional Office for Europe, 2011 (http://www.euro.who.

int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/154287/HIPP_mtgrep_

AbanoTerme_2011.pdf, accessed 6 November 2013).

Promoting the health of young people in custody.

Copenhagen, WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2003 (http://

www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/99015/

e81703.pdf, accessed 6 November 2013).

The WHO Regional Office for Europe

The World Health Organization (WHO) is a

specialized agency of the United Nations

created in 1948 with the primary responsibility

for international health matters and public health.

The WHO Regional Office for Europe is one of

six regional offices throughout the world, each

with its own programme geared to the particular

health conditions of the countries it serves.

Member States

Albania

Andorra

Armenia

Austria

Azerbaijan

Belarus

Belgium

Bosnia and Herzegovina

Bulgaria

Croatia

Cyprus

Czech Republic

Denmark

Estonia

Finland

France

Georgia

Germany

Greece

Hungary

Iceland

Ireland

Israel

Italy

Kazakhstan

Kyrgyzstan

Latvia

Lithuania

Luxembourg

Malta

Monaco

Montenegro

Netherlands

Norway

Poland

Portugal

Republic of Moldova

Romania

Russian Federation

San Marino

Serbia

Slovakia

Slovenia

Spain

Sweden

Switzerland

Tajikistan

The former Yugoslav

Republic of Macedonia

Turkey

Turkmenistan

Ukraine

United Kingdom

Uzbekistan

ISBN 978-9-289-05059-3

World Health Organization

Regional Office for Europe

UN City, Marmorvej 51, DK-2100 Copenhagen Ø, Denmark

Tel.: +45 45 33 70 00. Fax: +45 45 33 70 01. E-mail: contact@euro.who.int

Web site: www.euro.who.int

 

 

[bottom.htm]