The pressing moral issue of poverty sits outside the major parties’ carefully
tested election messages. Guardian Australia believes it’s too important to be
sidelined
In their campaign war rooms the major parties are busy
devising ways to “control the narrative”, to steer this election debate towards
issues where they believe their pitch is strongest.
But there is a group of Australians whose desperate situation
neither major party really wants to discuss. This moral issue of pressing
national importance sits outside the major parties’ carefully tested election
messages and there is a real risk it might not be raised in the campaign at all.
Poverty as a moral question: do we have the collective will
to end it?
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Despite Australia’s 28 years of continuous economic
growth, almost three decades of uninterrupted national good fortune, we have
achieved virtually no change in the 10% or so of Australians living below the
poverty line. Nothing. The number of children living in poverty is by some
measures actually rising.
Bill Shorten wants to tap the building resentment at wage stagnation to
build a case that the deck is stacked against the ordinary worker. He wants to
talk about relative inequality, the gap between rich and poor, and deploys
statistics to build this case. He talks far less about the stark realties for
almost 3 million Australians who live below the poverty line.
Guardian Australia believes this policy discussion is too
important to be sidelined, just because it doesn’t fit the major parties’
talking points. And the overwhelming response to our
Life on the Breadline series, where we gave a public voice to Australians
living in poverty, suggests our readers also think this is a necessary
discussion. The facts are just too stark to deny, or avoid.
It’s not only welfare advocates who are shouting from the
rooftops about Australia’s unacceptable and unchanging levels of poverty.
David Samuel*
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The Productivity Commission did a stocktake of all
the available evidence last year to decide whether inequality in Australia was
rising. It found that the benefits of economic growth had been far more evenly
shared here than in the US or the UK, but that there was a glaring lesson for
policymakers – for the Australians living on very low incomes nothing much had
changed in 30 years.
“As political parties ask themselves what are good ways to
respond to the popular view that the benefits of growth are not being shared,
rather than narrow the search to a favourable statistical model of inequality,
perhaps it might be better to focus instead on persistently disadvantaged
elements of this group,” he told the National Press Club.
“After 30 years, perhaps simply shifting money around and
doing more of the same is not sufficient,” he said, suggesting our political
leaders should make “a commitment to a comprehensive policy response to
persistent disadvantage ... because we ought to be able to do better by our
fellow Australians as we look out at a fourth decade of uninterrupted economic
growth” and because there was clearly “genuine policy failure”.
The most obvious, immediate and effective policy response
would be to raise the level of unemployment payments – Newstart – something that
has had long-standing and broad support, but still hasn’t happened.
Increasing Newstart has been recommended by numerous
cross-party parliamentary inquiries, the Henry taxation review recommended
raising it by $50 a week, the Business Council of Australia has for many years
argued that the payment is so low it impedes people’s ability to get work,
former prime minister John Howard agrees that the 25-year freeze on any real
increase in Newstart had “probably gone on too long” and the frontbencher Arthur
Sinodinos
recently expressed a “personal view” that over time it “should be higher”.
And yet, as we enter another election campaign, neither major party has promised
a real increase.
Morrison says if he had the money to increase Newstart, he’d
rather give it to pensioners – even though the pension, unlike Newstart, is
already increased each year in a way that maintains its real value over time,
while the real value of Newstart has fallen dramatically. Shorten has conceded
no one could live on the current payment, and that it is an important issue, but
has only promised a “root and branch review” in government.
The Greens have a policy for a $75 a week increase.
Record number of sick or disabled Newstart recipients as
Coalition seeks savings
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Besides the cost, the reluctance of the major parties
to make concrete promises is almost certainly linked to the way we have
conducted the national conversation around welfare and poverty for a very long
time – the “narrative” of blame, where the multiple complexities that leave
people reliant on payments are ignored in favour of simplistic and brutal
rhetoric about “dole bludgers” and “rorters”. Perhaps politicians have talked
that way for so long, or at least failed to call out that kind of labelling,
they are worried voters may have been convinced there is no real cause for
compassion.
In Life on the Breadline, welfare recipients told their
stories, explained the reality of their lives, the pointless complexities of the
welfare system and the indignity of being shamed for circumstances they could
not control.
In this series, Fair Go? Why 10% of Australians are still
being left behind, Guardian Australia wants to take that conversation into an
election campaign, to listen to Australians who have been left behind, examine
the policies that govern their lives and ask the questions that they want
answered.
As Peter Harris said, the fact that the proportion of
Australians living in poverty remains virtually unchanged through so many years
of plenty is due to the policy choices of successive governments. Guardian
Australia wants to discuss why we aren’t choosing differently.
Reporting in this series is supported by VivCourt through
the Guardian Civic Journalism Trust